• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.125-158
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• 2012

After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.

• Broadcasting and Media Magazine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.85-98
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• 2005

About the phenomenon of being imaged of everything, the scholars of the humanities who had studied on the simple reason structure in a text have been in a big agony how accept it. Especially, semiologists have studied about this for a long time and the points at issues of Saussure, Peirce as well as Umbeto Eco are more outstanding. Being based upon his philosophic interesting from medieval esthetics to modern semiotics, Eco was very concerned about the field of general esthetics and poputar arts like television and cartoons. He connected the mutual open-relations between 'signifier' and 'signified' debated in Semiotics with the open and vague modern arts and regarding it as a deviation from the custom, intensively studied the film-media. Saussure is a representative figure of semiotics and explained Sign and the character of semiotics as the division into two parts such as signifier/ signified, form/ substance, langue/ parole, synchrony/ diachrony. The triadic semiotics (the theory that Sign is composed of the triadic structure like sign, referent and interpretant) of Peirce put the new item- 'interpretant' in sign and referent to connect them and open the possibility to introduce time in to the Sign. In this paper, I try to analyze a cartoon film in the semiotic structure with the systemic, reasonable and logical approach and analysis as as possible. While the images shown through a film were depended on the romantic and impressional judge in the past, due to semiotics, it' s quite possible to correlate the procedure of symbolization to social coherence so that we analyze the incredible power of images to suck audiences with the systemetic Sign. I accept all ot film-images including a cartoon film as not the simple esthetic arts but a social custom and system, want to serve as a aid to properly understand world and humanbeings and prevent the film-image from being mystic. A cartoon and a cartoon film which were begun with the link of a text and an illustration give shape to all of images such as materials, places and even thoughts with a cartoon icon existed in only a cartoon. A cartoon and a cartoon film simply and exquistely conceptualize the complex and vague attribute of an organic creature and extend them infinetly beyond language. However, it can be exploited as a mysticism to temptate the general public and a faking material. In addition to that, it can distort our world-knowledge engaging a political power and the massive power of mass media. In this paper, being based on semiotics to approach a cartoon film in a scientific and organic system, I conclude that a non-linguistic cartoon expression is entangled with the manifold signs and implies the supplementary meanings just like a regular linguistic expression. It remarks that the iconic images of a cartoon film are composed of the social codes and can be analyzed on grounds of a linguistic system.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.81-110
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• 2018

In this paper, we examined the regional economic integration, the trade negotiation strategy and bargaining power of the European Union through the logical structure of the three - dimensional game theory. In the three - dimensional game theory, the negotiator emphasized that the negotiation strategy of the triple side existed while simultaneously operating the game standing on the boundary of each side game, constrained from each direction or occasionally using the constraint as an opportunity. The study of three-dimensional game theory is aimed at organizing the process of coordinating opinions and meditating interests at the international level, regional level and member level by the regional union as a subject of negotiation. This study would compare and analyze the recently concluded EU-Japan EPA (Economic Partnership Agreement) negotiation process with the case of the EU FTA, and summarize the logic of the three-dimensional game theory applicable to the FTA of the regional economic partnership. Furthermore, the study would illustrate the strategies of the regional economic cooperatives to respond to negotiations. The area of trade policy at the EU level has already been completed by the exclusive power of the Union on areas where it is difficult to politicize with technical features. Moreover, the fact that the policy process at the Union level has not been revealed as a political issue, and that the public opinion process is a double-step approach. In conclusion, the EU's trade policy process constitutes a complicated and sophisticated process with the allocation of authority by various central organizations. The mechanism of negotiation is paradoxically simplified because of the common policy decision process and the structural characteristics of the trade zone, and the bargaining power at the community level is enhanced. As a result, the European Commission would function as a very strong negotiator in bilateral trade negotiations at the international level.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.41-74
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• 2008

Based on the theory of news media's agenda-setting function, this study analyzed Korean public's most important problems (MIP) and the degree of public consensus on the importance of those MIP's. The analysis was done in terms of both time and social strata. According to the findings, economy, social welfare, and political issues were in the for tier of the MIP list. The analysis of issue diversity (H-statistic) also demonstrated a relatively high degree of agenda consensus among Korean public despite some fluctuation in the consensus level, which appears to be higher than that among the American public. A decrease in the degree of agenda consensus with the passage of time appealed to be a general phenomenon across diverse social strata. However, the degrees of consensus-building were different in light of education, socioeconomic status, and the size of residential area. Those who are more educated, have more economic power, and live in a larger city had more chances to experience agenda consensus. These results seem to be basically attributable to the presumed positive relationship between these demographic variables and media exposure. The different degrees of public consensus according to the different levels of those demographic variables suggest that a closer investigation into the various influences on the importance of public issues among the respondents should be done in future studies.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.15
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• pp.7-30
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• 2013

This is a study on the ecological view of Robert Smithson's reclamation projects. Smithson was a pioneer of Earth art in the late 1960's. Robert Smithson believed that he could transform industrial wastelands, such as an abandoned oil rig and a no longer used quarry, into "Earth Art." In the early seventies, he conceived of land reclamation as a new art form and called this art "Reclamation Projects." His attention regarding industrial ruin started from the American political and social situations in the 1960's. In the late 1960's, American society was in chaos from the right of movement of African Americans, the women's rights movement and from the strike for renunciation of the Vietnam War. The intellectual class seemed to believe that it was the destiny of a closed system's society to run in the direction of entropy. Smithson, who was skeptical about the system of American society, also thought that entropy was the proper diagnosis to describe America's situation in the 1960's. The 1960's civic movements like the civil rights movement and antiwar movements expanded into the environmental movements based on ecological views of the 1970's. The government had also started to worry about environmental pollution. Thus, the reclamation act was also established in 1972. Smithson believed that the relation between art and social background are closely related and affect each other. He was concerned with how art can join society, and the result was reclamation projects. Such reclamation projects lie on man-made wastelands, like abandoned oil rigs and no longer used quarries, which was an allegory of entropy. He also thought that Frederick Law Olmsted was a pioneer of earth art. The aesthetic category of Olmsted's view of landscape is to be based on the picturesque of Uvedale Price and William Gilpin. So Smithson, who considered Olmsted as his touchstone, also accepted the picturesque. Such reclamation projects aim to change with nature by adapting the creative power of artists to the ruin which has the highest level of entropy in industrial society. Smithson wanted this to become the bridge between man and nature. His reclamation project's aim, which shows the system interacting between man and nature as a network, is not different from the ecological view of the 1970's environmental movement.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.507-516
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• 1999

More than twenty-five major international bodies of water bear the names of particular nations or states. Many of these are not names are widely accepted, but considerable disagreement has developed in some cases. A systematic examination of the level of conflict over the use of national names for international bodies of water indicates that conflict is most likely to develop where shifting power relations among interested states produce concern about the hegemonic ambitions of the state after which the body of water is named. This is the case in the three situations where considerable contention exists over the use of a national name for an international body of water: the Persian Gulf/Arabian Sea, the Sea of Japan/East Sea, and the South China SealBien Dong. Cases evidencing little contention are those where either no state has a significant interest in the naming issue, or where the name that is attached to the body of water is that of a state that has not been a historic threat to others in the region. Naming international bodies of water after nations or states is potentially problematic because such appellations can connote ownership or control by a single people or political entity. An understanding of the controversies surrounding these place names requires consideration of the geopolitical context in which they are embedded.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.88-118
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• 2014

This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.45-69
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• 2009

This paper explores how multiple facets of social capital in Korea affects social conflict. The notion of social capital is composed of several elements including (1) social trust in generalized others (2) confidence in public sector fairness and the principles of democracy (3) social networks and closures and (4) community spirit and collective norms. We particularly examine how these multiple dimensions of social capital affect an individual`s tendency of social conflict orientation. The findings address the following four points. First, an individual, who trusts generalized others in a society, is less likely to be exclusive and conflict-oriented. Second, the more an individual has confidence in the efficacy of democratic processes and public sector fairness, the more (s)he is likely to be social integration oriented. When an individual, in contrast, gives strong support to a particular party (or government in power), the person is more likely to be conflict oriented. Third, an individual who mobilizes exclusive social closures to solve a problem is more likely to be conflict oriented. However, an individual who maintains a variety of inclusive social networks is more likely to be social integration oriented. Finally, the internalization of collective norms does not affect directly the tendency of individual's social conflict orientation. Increasing social capital at the individual level does not automatically guarantee societal level conflict resolutions. Rather, building extensive social closures based on strong family or hometown ties, school connections, political interests has detrimental effects on social integration and conflict resolutions. More, constructive social integration in a society requires higher level of open social networks, consistent administrative and democratic procedures, and social trust in generalized others.