• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.44
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• pp.217-241
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• 2015

The sinking of the Sewol ferry has not only induced an intense conflict in Korean society but also been developed into a sociopolitical issue. This paper divides this accident into five stages and examines the records produced at each stage. The Sewolho Citizen Archive Network and the Ansan Citizen Record Committee began the archiving of Sewol and created the 416 Archives. The records of Sewol are social and political records that hold envidencial and historical value. They can be used to rebuild and recover the wounded community as well as to investigate the truth behind the case. Accident archiving collects materials different to the ones which public archiving does, allowing people to view the incident from a different standpoint. It is also characterized as an archiving of the current issue, social movement and regional community. Accident archiving is a method which ensures credibility and impartiality in memory. In light of Sewol archives, accident archiving can contribute to form mature democracy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.183-216
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• 2011

이 글은 잠재적 이주노동자들이 거버넌스에 중요성을 부여하는 정도가 이주의도가 없는 경우와 비교하여 어떻게 다른지를 필리핀의 자료를 이용하여 분석한 연구이다. 2011년 기준으로 전 세계 인구의 3.2퍼센트가 국제이주자이며 이들이 본국에 보내는 노동송금은 4천 4백억 달러에 달한다. 기존연구에서 파악하듯 세계인구이동의 대부분을 차지하는 노동이주의 주요 결정요인은 출신국과 이주대상국의 소득격차, 기존 이주 네트워크, 이주대상국의 이주정책 등을 포함한 경제적 요인들이다. 그러나 대규모 송출국들이 대부분 경제적 저발전과 취약한 정부(ineffective government)의 구조적인 문제를 함께 가지고 있다는 점에 착안한다면 비록 경제적 고려가 우선시 되는 노동이주에 있어서도 잠재적 이주자들이 "정치적" 으로 여타의 사회와 구분되는 특수한 정치적 태도를 가질 수 있다고 생각할 수 있다. 이주자들의 정치적 태도를 올바르게 이해하는 것은 노동이주가 송출국에 미치는 정치적 영향을 분석하는 데 있어 매우 중요하다. 해당 이주자들의 부재와 이들이 본국으로 보내는 노동송금이 송출국 정치에 영향을 미칠 수 있는데 그 영향의 방향은 이주자의 기본적인 정치적 관심과 의제에 따라 달라질 것이기 때문이다. 이러한 배경에서 이 글은 다음과 같은 연구 질문에 답하고자 한다. 첫째, 이주노동의사가 있는 시민들이 취약한 정부능력에 대한 염려가 그렇지 않은 경우보다 높은가? 둘째, 이러한 관계가 성립된다면 그 관계는 민주주의에 대한 지지를 저해하는가? 이 연구는 2002년과 2003년 필리핀에서 실시된 전국적 설문조사인 Social Weather Survey 자료와 2008년 및 2009 년 필리핀 현지조사에서 수집한 인터뷰와 2차 자료를 근거로, 정부능력에 대한 평가와 이주노동의사의 관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 기존 연구가 제시하는 통제변인들을 감안하더라도 효과적인 정부운영이 필리핀이 당면한 가장 중요한 과제라고 생각할수록 해외로 취업할 것을 고려할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 다행히도 이러한 태도가 민주주의에 대한 원칙적인 지지에는 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 효과적인 정부에 대한 관심이 이주노동을 고려하는 시민들에게 높다는 사실은 장기적으로 이들이 해외로 이주할 경우 정부개혁을 요구하고 추진할 국내적 정치적 기반이 줄어들 수 있다는 부정적 함의를 가지기도 한다.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.143-146
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• 2021

Korean police have been established as a national police system since the liberation of Korea and have been operated as a centralized police system for a long time, and a police committee was established under the enactment of the Police Act in 1991. However, the National Police Commission has a problem that it cannot perform the functions of the original National Police Commission because it is only a simple advisory body, not an institution that reviews and decides major policies related to police administration. As a result, despite the passage of a full amendment to the Police Act in 2020 and the revision of the Act to the Organization and Operation of the National Police and Local Police, operational and compositional problems still exist. Therefore, this study intends to propose the current state of operation and problems of the police committee system and measures for improvement.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-106
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine the concept and definition of fake news focusing on misinformation/false information and is to examine the ways in which our society can respond to the distortion of social reality and damage to democracy caused by information distortion such as fake news. To do this, the concept of fake news was examined based on the level of facticity and intention to device, and our social environment in which fake news was created and spread was examined from the perspective of datafication. In this environment, the library community, which plays a pivotal role in human access to and use of information, argued that it should strive to establish and provide universal literacy education in order to realize the Sustainable Development Goals of the UN 2030 agenda. The core of universal literacy education is to understand the society by investigating and analyzing data communication types according to the degree of datafication and the political, economic, social, and cultural background of society. For this reason, it was concluded that universal literacy should be implemented flexibly according to the degree of datafiation and users of each society.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.67-90
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• 2022

The March 2022 presidential election held at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic drew flak for undermining the principle of universal suffrage by failing to guarantee properly the voting rights of confirmed and quarantined persons. Guaranteeing their voting rights requires thinking about e-voting that can fundamentally overcome the temporal and spatial limitations of current paper voting polling stations. The question is how to deal with the increased possibility of contradicting or violating the principles of equality and direct and secret suffrage due to the expansion of universal suffrage. In order to obtain implications for this, we looked at the case of Estonia, which has been holding 11 national elections without any problems since the introduction of e-voting in 2005. Estonia was successfully building trust in the system, government, and society through the institutionalization and routinization of the overall socio-technical system of e-voting, along with political and constitutional agreements on the principles of elections. Therefore, we should not only consider the possibility of e-voting in terms of technological development and level but also discuss the establishment of trust by mediating conflicts between election principles from a normative point of view to reach a social consensus.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.467-490
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• 2009

This study seeks to improve the problems of analytical rigor and practical utility found in the concept of human security by examining ways to create a global governance system for the effective achievement of United Nations Millennium Development Goals(UN MDGs). This study regards poverty as the most fundamental threat to human security in order to achieve the analytical rigor of human security concept. At the same time, it also examines how to creating a global governance for achieving UN MDGs to improve practical utility of human security concept. The global governance system of MDGs should acquire global political representativeness, efficacy of policymaking process, and democracy within it. For these purposes, the creation of a "Global Summit for Development," the establishment of a more equal partnership between the states, international organizations, and NGOs, and institutionalization of operational and strategic cooperation among development institutions are proposed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.85-123
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• 2020

Under representative democracy, members of the National Assembly exercise their authority to propose, enact, and revise bills on behalf of the people, and the legislation of such lawmakers has a great impact on individuals and society. There exist criticisms that the quality of legislator-sponsored bills has not improved while the number of them has been expanding recently. This study examines the type, productivity, and efficiency of legislation in the 17~19th National Assembly, and empirical analysis is conducted on how the lawmaker's legislations respond to election-related variables such as voter turnout and election competition. The results show that legislator-sponsored bills are mainly produced in the area of governance, finance, macroeconomic policy, social welfare, and health. The number of legislator's proposals increases, while the passing rate decreases, and the processing period extends. Constituents' participation in voting has been shown to enhance legislative efficiency. Based on the results, the paper emphasizes the enhancement of transparency in the legislative process, the improvement of the people's political knowledge, and the revitalization of election functions for the improvement of parliamentary legislation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.5-31
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• 2019

In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.