• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.63-78
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• 2011

This study looked into conflicts of government policies for oil spill sites which are focusing on Taean-gun after the oil spill in Taean-gun and examined the effects on the conflicts. There are lots of conflicts on the on-going restoration project of fishing ground environment(fishing ground inspection, restoration program development, improvement in fishery biology ecosystem and fishery productivity). For example, these show diverse conflicts between business associates, project processes, business subjects, project participation, and the use of fishing ground. This study found out the first reason of dissatisfaction and conflicts is that there is a difference between groups in terms of political aims and perception. Secondly, lack of communication and cooperation between the center and the provinces, organizations in the provinces, the local government and fishing village cooperatives, fishermen in the fishing industry. Thirdly, the local government and the fishing village head don't show their leadership to improve project performance.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.23-36
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• 1998

The 1995 Informatization Promotion Act was passed to advance the national quality of life and to develop national economy by promoting informatization, forming the ground of telecommunication industry, and realizing the advancement of telecommunication infrastructure. This article was written to review whether this act's purpose was being achieved by Korean government. Even if Korean informatization policy implemetation structure is strongly centralized around the Ministry of Information and Communication, Information policies are formulated and implemented among agencies. To explain this phenomenon, I suggested the following factors : (1) The Korean government's lack of informatization experiences, (2) The political abuse of information policy, (3) the conceptual rigidity on the structure of information superhighway, (4) the absence of the basic principles for electronic government, (5) the uniformed regional informatization.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2016

This study investigates whether different SNS with different characteristics have different impacts on participatory social capital in Korea. At least in Korea, SNS are categorized into five types (community, blog, micro-blog, profile-based service and instant message service), and participatory social capital is specified by three types (off-line political participation, on-line political participation, on-line civic engagement). Using Nielsen KoreanClick's web-based survey data, our regression analysis shows that SNS which are more open and focused on information sharing contribute more to participatory social capital.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.113-146
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• 2006

This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.52-74
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• 2012

Legislation needs to be understood within a political, societal relationship among lawmaking bodies rather than by legal provision itself. In order to examine features and functions of communication in the process of legislation, this study conducted focus group interviews with experts as well as in-depth individual interviews. The result of this research as follows: First, the study found that although the domestic legislative process has been made by active interactions among lawmaking subjects, it was hard to conclude that this procedure is providing effective and productive legislative agenda because of chaotic communications made along the process. Second, the study found that national legislative process has been gradually moving, although restricted, to an open political space, the National Assembly, from a closed space, the executive branch. Third, the study found a remarkable feature including growing influence of experts groups and civic organizations in the legislative process. It is a significant change that legislative staff such as National Assembly aides, investigators, expert committeemen and deputy director generals played a role of "insiders," unnoticeably influencing the legislative process, and that civic organizations and NGOs, which have been excluded in the previous legislative processes, emerged as a new influencing circle in the process. Lastly, the study found that media organizations, in the process of developing agenda, had a strong impact on the National Assembly as a subject forming public issues and as a messenger of the legislative agenda while they played a limited role in affecting the government. This study discusses why communication in the domestic legislative process is important and what are some hindering and facilitating factors in the process.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.207-232
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• 2014

Scholars have considered Chaucer's House of Fame mostly as an ars poetica, in which the poet explores new poetic principles and subject matters, while making few attempts to understand the poem in its historical and social contexts. Investigating the nature of the "tidings" that Chaucer suggests as the new source of his poetic inspiration, this paper argues that the house of Rumor was modeled after late fourteenth century English society that experienced increased appetite for news. The political upheaval during the period from the English Rising in 1381 to the reign of Henry IV in the early fifteenth century produced an unprecedented amount of written and oral propaganda. The proliferation of seditious rumors as well as protests and promulgations during this period indicates how seriously medieval society was engaged with the circulation of news. Particularly, the case of John Shirle in 1381 and the legend about the survival of Richard II demonstrate the subversive power of medieval rumor that often served as a political discourse with which people expressed their oppositions to government. Conspicuous in the activities of both the government and late medieval political protestors was the extensive use of writing. The posting of bills in public places continued until the fifteenth century, when such activities became so common and dangerous that the government had to issue proclamations forbidding the circulation of such seditious writings. The number of extant royal proclamations, written protests, and pamphlets demonstrates that already in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the notion of a discursive public space began to emerge. Whether written or orally transmitted, news and rumor circulated in late medieval England, creating a social space in which people shared their political opinions before the introduction of the early modern print culture. In The House of Fame Chaucer calls attention to the subversiveness of rumor, its potential as a public discourse, and the power of written communication in creating truth in order to appropriate these characteristics for his English poems.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.23-39
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• 2019

Assuming that a political party has a strong incentive to gain votes via issue setting as part of its campaign strategy, this study utilized a Web experimental survey to explore the extent to which three issue-related campaign advertising strategies - namely, issue ownership, issue convergence, and issue trespassing - affected voters' perceptions toward parties' issue-handling capabilities. Our empirical results show that issue ownership perceptions exist in Taiwan. In the 2012 Taiwan presidential election, as issue ownership advertisements may reinforce voters' beliefs regarding parties' issue-handling capabilities, issue trespassing advertising may improve a party's image on the disadvantageous issue dimension. At least our data shows that the Kuomintang's (KMT) advertisements have both effects.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.127-141
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• 2018

This article looks back on the past 30 years of the Korean Association for Political Economy from the perspective of so-called 86 generation. It is argued that KAPE should promote effective communication between radical economists and liberal economists who are critical of mainstream economics.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.124-125
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• 2005