• 융합보안논문지
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• 제16권6_1호
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• pp.51-58
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• 2016

"역사는 거울"이라는 말은 반복되는 역사적 사실을 통해 우리는 적을 대비해야 한다는 뜻이다. 현재 우리는 북한의 핵과 미사일을 포함하는 각종 도발에 직면해 있다. 우리가 북한을 주적으로 설정하고 국민의 생명과 재산을 보전하기 위해서는 우리 군은 적의 위협에 항상 철저히 준비되어야 한다. 6.25 전쟁 전투사례를 보면 준비된 적과 무방비 상태의 국군 간에 벌어진 전쟁으로 요약할 수 있다. 북한군은 해방 이후 치밀한 계획 하에 중공군을 편입시키고 소련군 군사고문단 지원 하에 전투 장비를 배치하여 군단 급 훈련까지 마친 상태에 비해, 당시 국군은 대대급 훈련도 마무리 못한 상태였다. 전 평시 군사보안을 위해 나의 정보는 숨기고 적은 찾아서 대비해야 한다. 북한군은 전쟁을 준비하면서 치밀하게 국군의 편성과 배치, 그리고 운용사항에 대한 정보를 수집했으나 국군은 이에 대비하지 못해 초전에 고전을 면치 못했다. 이에 본고에서는 6.25 전쟁 초기, 개성일대 전투사례를 중심으로 군사보안의 교훈과 그 중요성을 제시하고자 한다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.63-98
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• 2012

Northeast Asia has a multi-layered security structure within which major economic and military powers both confront one another and cooperate at the same time. Major regional powers maintain mutually cooperative activities in the economic sphere while competing one another in order to secure a dominant position in the politico-military arena. The multifarious threats, posed by the North Korea's nuclear development, territorial disputes, and maritime demarcation line issues demonstrate that Northeast Asia suffers more from military conflicts and strifes than any other region in the world. Specifically, major maritime security threats include North Korea's nuclear proliferation and missile launching problems as well as military provocations nearby the Northern Limit Line(NLL) as witnessed in the Cheonan naval ship and Yeonpyong incidents. The ROK Navy has been supplementing its firm military readiness posture in consideration of North Korea's threats on the NLL. It has performed superb roles in defending the nation and establishing the Navy advanced and best picked. It also has been conducive to defend the nation from external military threats and invasion, secure the sea lanes of communications, and establish regional stability and world peace. In order to effectively cope with the strategic environment and future warfares, the ROK Navy needs to shift its military structure to one that is more information and technology intensive. In addition, it should consolidate the ROK-US alliance and extend military cooperative measures with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Evolved steadily for the last 60 years, the ROK-US alliance format has contributed to peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. In conclusion, this manuscript contends that the ROK Navy should strive for the establishment of the following: (1) Construction of Jeju Naval Base; (2) Strategic Navy Equipped with War Deterrence Capabilities; (3) Korean-type of System of Systems; (4) Structure, Budget and Human Resources of the Naval Forces Similar to the Advanced Countries; and (5) Strategic Maritime Alliance and Alignment System as well as Domestic Governance Network for the Naval Families.

• 한국환경보건학회지
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• 제37권3호
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• pp.226-233
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• 2011

Exactly 25 years after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, 11th of March 2011 the Fukushima nuclear accident occurred in Japan and was ranked at level 7 same to the Chernobyl. A Korean and Japanese joint civil survey was conducted around Fukushima on April 13-17. The radiation survey data clearly shows a large hotspot area between 20 km and 50 km radius north and west direction from the accident reactors, with the highest radiation recorded being 55.64 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air, 99.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air, and 36.16 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in a car, respectively. 3.65 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air and 6.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air were detected at the playground of an elementary school in Fukushima City. Spring came with full cherry blossoms in Fukushima, but it was silent spring of radiation contamination. Interviews with Fukushima nuclear refugees reveal serious problems about Japanese nuclear safety systems, such as there was no practical evacuation drill within 1-10 km and no plan at all for 10-30 km areas. Several reforms items for Korean nuclear safety system can be suggested: minimization of accident damage, clear separation of regulatory and safety bureaus with a new and independent administrating agency, community participation and agreement regarding the safety system and levels, which is the major concern of 80% Korean. To tackle threats of nuclear disaster in neighboring nations like China, a new position entitled 'Ambassador for nuclear safety diplomacy' is highly necessary. The nuclear safety of Korea should no longer be the monopoly of those nuclear engineers and limited technocrats criticized as a 'nuclear mafia'.

• 한국방사선학회논문지
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.71-77
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• 2023

북한 비핵화 문제는 남북을 넘어 세계적인 문제이다. 북한이 비핵화 의지를 밝힐 상황을 대비하여 비핵화 과정에 대한 준비가 필요하다. 북한 비핵화 과정에서 검증 장비의 정상 작동 담보가 요구된다. 카자흐스탄에서 저온으로 인해 장비가 작동되지 않은 선례를 참고했을 때 북한 환경을 고려한 성능 시험 기준이 수립된다면 향후 비핵화 과정에서 활용 가능성이 높을 것이라 판단하였다. 이를 위해 국제 기준 등 시험 기준 분석을 통해 성능 시험 기준 관련 기초 자료를 구축하였다. 이후, 북한 주요 원자력 시설이 위치한 영변군 및 풍계리의 기후, 지리적 특성을 고려하여 검증 상황 발생 시 적시 대응 가능한 성능 시험 기준 수립을 수행하였다. 여기에는 고온, 저온, 습도, 진동, 충격 시험이 포함된다. 후속 연구에서는 실제 장비 시험을 통해 시험 기준의 타당성을 수립하고자 한다.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• 제39권3호
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• pp.127-133
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• 2014

북한 우라늄 농축 시설은 국내외적으로 심각한 위협중 하나이다. 특히 우리나라 입장에서는 국가 안보에 관련된 사안이므로 항상 주시하고 대비를 하여야 한다. 북한 미신고 우라늄 농축시설 탐지 가능성을 평가하기 위해 시설로 부터 장 단거리에 따른 공기중 우라늄 농도를 예측하였다. 북한 농축시설에 대해 국제 사회에 알려진 정보와 다른 국가의 농축 시설 운영 데이터를 근거로 북한 시설로부터 공기중으로 누출되는 $UF_6$ 선원항(source terms)을 계산하였다. 계산된 선원항과 영변 주변 기상 자료를 바탕으로 장 단거리 대기 확산 모델 - Gaussian Plume and HYSPLIT Models -을 이용하여 북한 농축시설 주변과 멀리 떨어진 남한 지역에서의 공기중 우라늄 농도를 결정하였다. 최대 공기중 우라늄 농도와 위치는 기상 조건과 방출 높이에 따라 시설 바로 근처와 0.4 km 이내 이고, 농도 약 $1.0{\times}10^{-7}g{\cdot}m^{-3}$로 나타났다. 본 논문의 가정을 적용하였을 때, 수 십 ${\mu}g$ 정도의 우라늄 샘플을 채취할 수 있을 것으로 나타났다. 이 수십 ${\mu}g$ 우라늄 양은 현대 측정 장비로 어려움 없이 측정 가능한 양이다. 반면에 영변 농축시설에부터 수 백 km이상 떨어진 남한 지역의 농도는 $1.0{\times}10^{-13}{\sim}1.0{\times}10^{-15}g{\cdot}m^{-3}$이하로 자연 방사성 우라늄 농도보다 낮은 값이다. 따라서 본 논문에 의하면 북한 영변 농축시설 주변에서 공기포집에 의한 신고 및 미신고 핵활동 탐지는 가능하지만 장거리에서는 불가능할 것으로 예측된다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.377-413
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• 2004

North Korea and South Korea agreed to refer their investment disputes to arbitration by adopting' Agreed Minutes on Procedures of Settlement of Commercial Disputes' on 16th December 2000. According to the Agreed Minutes, the two Koreas were to establish an arbitration commission within 6 months after the Agreed Minutes had been signed. In 2002, North Korea enacted laws to draw interest of foreign tourists to Mountain Kumgang and to boost investment into the region of Kaesung as it provided in those laws that commercial disputes should be settled by arbitration or judicial procedures. In October 2003, the two Koreas succeeded in adopting another Agreed Minutes as to the establishment and functioning of North-South Arbitration Commission. The fact that the two Koreas have agreed to establish an arbitration commission is meaningful since they are leading their lives quite differently in political, social, and economic sense for more than a half century. Although there still remain doubts as to the North Korean policy on nuclear matters, an arbitration commission could be a cornerstone for the set-up of the dispute settlement system between the two Koreas and a great help for investors from South Korea to pursue their possible legal claims as North Korea is eager to invite South Korean businessmen and other foreign investors to invest in its special economic areas. According to the Agreed Minutes of 2003, the two Koreas are going to adopt procedural rules for the arbitration commission. It will be a great challenge for them to agree on specific issues as to the operation of the arbitration commission. They have to set up a rester of arbitrators respectively and may have to enact or revise their own arbitration laws and rules reflecting the Agreed Minutes of 2000 and 2003. It is quite welcome that the two Koreas have agreed to set up an arbitration commission rather than resort to political or diplomatic means to settle their disputes. The success of the arbitration system between the two Koreas will make sure the safety of investment environment in the northen part of the Korean Peninsula and will bring the peace to the Korean peninsula earlier than expected.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제5호
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• pp.19-40
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• 2002

For front, aspect of terror may have to prepare indeed even chemical terror or rocket and small size missile and radioactivity terror because is predicted to become various. Furthermore, when see motion of every countries about nuclear engineerses' bringing round and illicit sale of plutonium, our country may have to prepare in terrorism which is expected thus. So that can finish international event successfully because the United States of America supports great manpower and budget since New York's World Trade Center terror and when see that is considering terror prevention countermeasure, we operate temporarily bursting tube state complete charge team such as terror by each field specialist such as a concern interested including special CBR complete charge moving team among 2002 World Cups soccer game period ahead of international event, must consider safety countermeasure. Specially, biology weapon of chemical weapon and cholera etc. 13 kinds of 5000ton that North Korea plans CBR terror society confusion that North Korea that to terror support nation as well as nuclear weapons development suspicion is defending South Korea communization strategy as real condition that is amplified as well as is saving production brand gets imprinted uses CBR terror at normal times, when see that is planing powerlessness communization unity using CBR weapon at time of war, must operate until bias 2002 World Cups international event finishes cooperation safety countermeasure utensil safely under closer talk between the South Korea ${\cdot}$ Japan ${\cdot}$ North Korea. As for us which must serve 2002 World Cup successfully to accomplish perfectly preparedness of CBR terror firstly, all inhabitants knows well CBR protection trick, and secondly, CBR existing formation that solidify realignment CBR complete charge moving team which of course is consisted of CBR specialist compose and keeping immediate going out attitude operating, by third, that expand CBR individual protection equipment and CBR evacuation equipment and establish individual and group protection attitude naturally, supplement as there is main room that actualize CBR pollution patient's slogan countermeasure by fourth, and develop standard model for CBR terror provision by fifthBecause constructing infra of CBR safety establishing CBR preparedness that utilize it, must minimize damage and contribute inhabitants' life and property protection.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제42호
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• pp.205-227
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• 2015

한반도에는 동북아시아의 복잡한 안보역학구도 안에서 새로운 핵보유국으로 주장하고 있는 북한과의 고도의 전략 게임을 전개해야 하는 입장이다. 국제사회는 이미 3차례의 핵실험을 통해서 북한의 핵무기 보유를 공개된 비밀로 인정하고 있는 반면 한국은 국제사회에 책임 있는 역할을 위한 비핵국가로서의 위치를 확고히 함과 동시에 북한의 군사도발에 항시 대비해야 하는 기민한 전략적 사고가 필요하다. 한국은 북한과의 군사적 대치상황에서는 단호한 대응을 할 수 밖에 없고, 경제 혹은 민족적인 부분에 대해서는 보다 유연한 포용정책을 유지하는 이중전략을 반복할 수밖에 없다. 핵무기 보유가 어려운 한국의 경우 북한으로부터의 핵위협을 극복하기 위한 전략적 선택들이 다양하게 제시되어 왔으며, 북한 핵은 대한민국의 국가안보를 위협하는 실체적인 위협이다. 우리는 오로지 국가안보의 관점에서 북한 핵에 대한 대비책을 마련해야 한다. 이에 본고는 정부의 비군사분야 대비태세를 중심으로 북한의 핵 능력 및 북한의 핵공격 양상과 그 피해를 예측해 보고, 북한의 핵위협에 대한 정부의 대비태세를 분석한 후, 이에 대비하는 정책을 제언하고자 한다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.220-250
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• 2013

South Korean national security strategy should be developed to effectively handle and counter increasing maritime threats and challenges. There are three major maritime threats South Korea faces today; maritime disputes on the EEZ boundary and Dokdo islet issues, North Korean threats, and international maritime security. Maritime disputes in the region are getting intensified and turned into a military confrontation after 2010. Now regional countries confront each other with military and police forces and use economic leverage to coerce the others. They are very eager to create advantageous de facto situations to legitimize their territorial claims. North Korean threat is also increasing in the sea as we witnessed in the Cheonan incident and Yeonpyoung shelling in 2010. North Korea resorts to local provocations and nuclear threats to coerce South Korea in which it may enjoy asymmetric advantages. The NLL area of the west sea would be a main hot spot that North Korea may continue to make a local provocation. Also, South Korean national economy is heavily dependent upon foreign trade and national strategic resources such as oil are all imported. Without an assurance on the safety of sea routes, these economic activities cannot be maintained and expanded. This paper argues that South Korea should make national maritime strategy and enhance the strength of naval forces. As a middle power, its national security strategy needs to consider all the threats and challenges not only from North Korea but also to maritime security. This is not a matter of choice but a mandate for national survival and prosperity. This paper discusses the importance of maritime security, changing characteristics of maritime threats and challenges, regional maritime disputes and its threat to South Korea's security, and South Korea's future security strategy and ways to enhance the role of naval forces. Our national maritime strategy needs to show middle and long term policy directions on how we will protect our maritime interests. Especially, it is important to build proper naval might to carry out all the roles and missions required to the military.