• 제목/요약/키워드: ND2

Search Result 8,722, Processing Time 0.046 seconds

Ecological Characteristics of Termite(Reticulitermes speratus kyushuensis) for Preservation of Wooden Cultural Heritage (목조문화재의 보존을 위한 한국산 흰개미의 생태적 특성 연구)

  • Lee, Kyu-Shik;Jeong, So-Young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.37
    • /
    • pp.327-348
    • /
    • 2004
  • In this study, after analyzing several local climate characteristics of South Korea, I validated distribution, invasion, foraging, underground activities, attack season as ecological characteristics and also temperature, relative humidity, and tree species as preference characteristics of Korean termites (Reticulitermes speratus kyushuensis Morimoto). Especially, southern part of the Korean peninsula is a suitable area for inhabitation and motion of termites holding same ecological characteristic like R. speratus kyushuensis. Busan is a neighboring district at field distribution north limiting temperature of Coptotermes formosanus Shiraki and Chuncheon is a passing area through the Korean Peninsula of field distribution north limiting temperature of Reticulitermes speratus Kolbe. The termite attack of wood devices was about 34.5% for 3 years in the forest of Jongmyo. Although the attack rate of termite increased each year, the detection rate decreased and the missing rate was high by degrees. I confirmed a foraging habits which is a part of termite colony was a role of continuous decomposition and another was a role of new food hunt as experimental results. The foraging termites were found under ground at Jongmyo in Seoul from April to November in the 2001 and the most active period was on July and August. The termite invasion rate of bait station increased in every monitoring. Through the increasing attack rate of bait station during 2nd monitoring (November, 2000) and 3rd monitoring(March, 2001), I confirmed that termites moved into the deep underground in winter, and were working continuously to forage. R. speratus kyushuensis inhabiting at the Korean Peninsula is a species which has food consumption rate with higher temperature. The termite revealed the greatest amount of food(filter paper) at $30^{\circ}C$(90% RH), but showed increasing death rate at over $32^{\circ}C$. Also, survival rate of this termite was 97% at 84% RH($30^{\circ}C$), but killed 100% at 52% RH($30^{\circ}C$) and 70% RH($30^{\circ}C$). For wood feeding, this was observed the preference in a pine tree(Pinus densiflora) above all others. Survival of termites was high(87%) at a pine tree, but low(13.5%) at a paulownia tree(Paulownia coreana). In this study, I presented the biological characteristic of termite(R. speratus kyushuensis Morimoto) and confirmed the deterioration degree of termite on wooden cultural heritage in Korea. Depending on climate and soil temperature, each area in the southern part of the Korea Peninsula, has some different active period and different distribution of R. speratus kyushensis. With these results, I expect that this report helps to prepare the integrated pest management(IPM) of the termite on wooden cultural heritage in Korea, and it may help to reduce the economical loss from termite damage in Korea.

Hanseong Period of Baekje and Mahan (한성시대(漢城時代)의 백제(百濟)와 마한(馬韓))

  • Choi, Mong-Lyong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.36
    • /
    • pp.5-38
    • /
    • 2003
  • The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

Occurrence of Insect Pests from Street Trees in Six Urban and Suburban Parks of Honam Region, South Korea (호남권 내 6개 지역에서의 도심 및 교외 수목 해충 발생 양상)

  • Jongok Lim;Haneul Yu;Jeongwoon Won;Seokmoo Kang;Suyeon Shin;Yonghwan Park;Chansik Jung
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
    • /
    • v.62 no.4
    • /
    • pp.371-384
    • /
    • 2023
  • We investigated the occurrence of insect pests on street trees that were planted or naturally grew in a total of six urban and suburban parks (two sites in Iksan, one site in Gimje and three sites in Gwangju) in Honam region, South Korea from May to September, 2022. The six survey sites are divided into three characters, two 'nearby forest (NF)', two 'nearby river (NR)' and two 'nearby downtown (ND)' according to the created location of sites and the results on fauna of insect pests compared with street tree species for each character of survey sites. As results, we could discover 51 species of 49 genera in 27 families belonging to five insect orders from a total of 21 tree species belonging to 13 families in six survey sites. Among the insect taxa, hemipteran pests are most diverse with 22 species of 20 genera in 12 families and it is confirmed that Prunus × yedoensis Matsum. (Rosaceae) is damaged by most diverse 25 insect pests. With regard to character of survey sites, trees in 'nearby river' were affected by most diverse 34 insect pests, even though tree species were few compare to sites of 'nearby forest' and 'nearby downtown. Among the affected area of tree parts, leaf-feeding insect pests are most diverse with 22 species. From the present study, we provided a checklist of insect pests from the street trees and selected six most concerned species. Indeed, it is needed to conduct sustainable surveys and monitoring on occurrence of insect pests from street trees in urban and suburban parks because the species of planted street trees in parks can be extremely diverse with occurrence of unexpected insect pests.

Statistical Analysis of Operating Efficiency and Failures of a Medical Linear Accelerator for Ten Years (선형가속기의 10년간 가동률과 고장률에 관한 통계분석)

  • Ju Sang Gyu;Huh Seung Jae;Han Youngyih;Seo Jeong Min;Kim Won Kyou;Kim Tae Jong;Shin Eun Hyuk;Park Ju Young;Yeo Inhwan J.;Choi David R.;Ahn Yong Chan;Park Won;Lim Do Hoon
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
    • /
    • v.23 no.3
    • /
    • pp.186-193
    • /
    • 2005
  • Purpose: To improve the management of a medical linear accelerator, the records of operational failures of a Varian CL2l00C over a ten year period were retrospectively analyzed. Materials and Methods: The failures were classified according to the involved functional subunits, with each class rated Into one of three levels depending on the operational conditions. The relationships between the failure rate and working ratio and between the failure rate and outside temperature were investigated. In addition, the average life time of the main part and the operating efficiency over the last 4 years were analyzed. Results: Among the recorded failures (total 587 failures), the most frequent failure was observed in the parts related with the collimation system, including the monitor chamber, which accounted for $20\%$ of all failures. With regard to the operational conditions, 2nd level of failures, which temporally interrupted treatments, were the most frequent. Third level of failures, which interrupted treatment for more than several hours, were mostly caused by the accelerating subunit. The number of failures was increased with number of treatments and operating time. The average life-times of the Klystron and Thyratron became shorter as the working ratio increased, and were 42 and $83\%$ of the expected values, respectively. The operating efficiency was maintained at $95\%$ or higher, but this value slightly decreased. There was no significant correlation between the number of failures and the outside temperature. Conclusion: The maintenance of detailed equipment problems and failures records over a long period of time can provide good knowledge of equipment function as well as the capability of predicting future failure. Wore rigorous equipment maintenance Is required for old medical linear accelerators for the advanced avoidance of serious failure and to improve the qualify of patient treatment.

Changes of Housing in the FCS Curricular from the 1st to 2009 Revised of Secondary School (중등학교 가정과 교육과정의 주생활 영역 내용 변화 - 1차 교육과정부터 2009 개정 교육과정을 대상으로 -)

  • Heo, YoungSun;Kim, NamEun;Choi, MinJi;Baek, MinKyung;Gwak, SeonJeong;Cho, JaeSoon
    • Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
    • /
    • v.25 no.1
    • /
    • pp.95-118
    • /
    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze the contents of housing related to characters, objectives, and contents of FCS curricular from the 1st to 2009 revised curriculum of secondary school. The data were downloaded from the NCIC homepage(http://www.ncic.re.kr/2012. 04. 08) from the 1st(1955. 08) to 2009 revised curriculum(2012. 03) of secondary school. After examining the characters and objectives of each curriculum, contents of housing was analyzed by units and context elements of middle and high school separately. The titles of the subject, the objectives, the instructions, the leaning spheres, weekly hours, grade and gender of candidates, the emphasis of the instruction, etc. have been changed through the curriculum revision. The 6th curriculum was the main period to open to both genders, the $7^{th}$ was the period to combine with technology, the 2007 version was to change the structure of contents of home economics, and the 2009 version switched technology home economics from mandatory to optional in high school. The character of the courses was presented at the 1st curriculum, but it was left out from the $2^{nd}$ to $5^{th}$ curriculum. From the $6^{th}$ curriculum, the characters were separately given to middle and high school. The character of housing area started to appear only in high school home economics from the $7^{th}$ curriculum. The course objectives were described in all curriculum of both middle and high school. This applies to housing area as well. The course objectives have been modified in order to reflect value changes due to social issues. During each curriculum, contents of housing continued to change in context, course load, and candidates. Reflection of housing trends and social needs were the main causes of the change. 2009 version emphasizes on eco-life and sense of community.

  • PDF

Breast Conservation Therapy Versus Mastectomy - Preliminary Results of Pattern of Failure and Survival Rate in Early Breast Cancer (조기유방암에서 유방보존치료와 유방전절제술의 치료결과 및 실패양상 비교)

  • Kim Yeon-Sil;Yoon Sei-Chul;Chung Su-Mi;Ryu Mi-Ryeong;Jung Sang-Sul;Choi Ihl-Bohng
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
    • /
    • v.22 no.2
    • /
    • pp.115-123
    • /
    • 2004
  • Purpose : This retrospective study was conducted to compare early preliminary results of breast conservation therapy (BCT) with mastectomy In early breast cancer. Materials and Methods : We evaluated 171 women with AJCC stage I and II breast cancer who had been treated at Kangnam St. Mary's Hospital from March 1989 to August 1996. Eighty-eight patients underwent mastectomy and 85 patients did conservative surgery with breast irradiation. in the BCT group, all patients received whole breast irradiation to a total dose of 45$\~$50 Gy/5$\~$6 wks, followed by a boost to the original tumor site at least 60 Gy. Chemotherapy was administered to 29 (34.1$\%$) patients in BCT and 40 (45.5$\%$) in mastectomy, with various sequencing of surgery and/or radiation. We compared survival rate, patterns of failure in each treatment group and the prognostic factors that had a significant effect on treatment failure. The median follow-up time was 63 months (19$\~$111 months). Log rank test was used to estimate the prognostic factors for treatment failure. Results : Overall survival, disease free survival, locoregional recurrence and distant metastasis rates were not significantly different between the two treatment groups. During the follow-up period, 11 patients (12.5$\%$)in the mastectomy group and 10 patients (11.8%$\%$ in the BCT group were failed. Six local recurrences occurred after mastectomy and 5 after BCT Five patients fatted at distant site in mastectomy and 4 in BCT. Of the local recurrence cases, five of 6 mastectomy patients and 3 of S BCT patients were alive with no evidence of disease after salvage surgery and/or chemoirradiation. Our results indicated that the major influence on survival was distant metastasis. Unfortunately, control of distant metastasisis was not frequently achieved. Even with salvage systemic therapy or radiotherapy, most of distant metastasis patients died or had uncontrolled disease in both treatment groups: only one of 4 BCT patients and none of mastectomy patients were alive without disease. There was no apparent difference in the incidence rate of contralateral breast cancer and non-breast 2$^{nd}$ primary tumor between the two treatment groups. Univariate Log-rank test identified the N stage and the involved axillary LN number as distinct prognostic factors that were highly predictive of treatment failure in both treatment groups. Additionally, marginal status in BCT and histologic nuclear grade In the mastectomy group were risk factors for treatment fallure (p < 0.05). Concousion : Although further careful follow-up is necessary to confirm the trends evident In this serles, it would appear that patterns of failure and survival rate following conservative surgery and radiotherapy in early breast cancer are similar to those following mastectomy. The great majority of patients with local recurrence had an exellent salvage rate in both treatment groups. Therefore, these preliminary short term results support BCT as an equally effective management for early breast cancer as an alternative to mastectomy.

A Study of The Medical Classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' (아유르베다'($\bar{A}yurveda$) 의경(醫經)에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Kj-Wook;Park, Hyun-Kuk;Seo, Ji-Young
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.10
    • /
    • pp.119-145
    • /
    • 2008
  • Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka(閣羅迦集)" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka(閣羅迦) or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st$\sim$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd$\sim$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ $Ast\bar{a}nga$ hrdaya $samhit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集) and "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th$\sim$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布唅拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$". The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

  • PDF

The theory of lesson plannig and the instructional structuration : A case study for urban units in Japanese high school (수업설계론과 수업구조화 - 일본 고등학교 도시단원을 사례로 -)

  • ;Sim, Kwang Taek
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
    • /
    • v.29 no.2
    • /
    • pp.166-182
    • /
    • 1994
  • Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

  • PDF

The Ruling System of Silla to Gangneung Area Judged from Archaeological Resources in 5th to 6th Century (고고자료로 본 5~6세기 신라의 강릉지역 지배방식)

  • Shim, Hyun Yong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.42 no.3
    • /
    • pp.4-24
    • /
    • 2009
  • This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

Evaluation of Varietal Difference and Environmental Variation for Some Characters Related to Source and Sink in the Rice Plants (벼의 Source 및 Sink형질의 품종간차이와 환경변이의 평가)

  • Choi, Hae-Chun;Kwon, Yong-Woong
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
    • /
    • v.30 no.4
    • /
    • pp.460-470
    • /
    • 1985
  • Experiments were carried out to evaluate the standard gravity in determining potential kernel size and to determine the effective sampling way by analyzing intra - and inter - plant variations for some source and sink characters using eleven semi-dwarf indica and three japonica cultivars including four semi-dwarf indica nearisogenic lines. Also, additional experiments were conducted to understand yearly variation and variety x year interaction effects for ten characters related to source and sink and to characterize the varietal difference of pre- and post-heading self-competition employing three parental varieties and their F$\sub$5/ progenies in 1982 and 1983. It is desirable to determine the potential kernel size by average kernel wight of rice grains showing above 1.15 specific gravity. There was significant difference in leaf area per tiller, spikelets and sink capacity per panicle among vigorous, intermediate and inferior tillers classified by differentiated order and vigorousness. Although it was difficult to find out any significant difference in grain-fill ratio, ratio of perfectly ripened grain, potential kernel size and sink/source ratio between vigorous and intermediate tillers, there was big difference between them and inferior one. The coefficients of variation within each tiller-group for some characters related to source and sink were larger with the order of vigorous tillers < intermediate one '||'&'||'lt; inferior one, and the average heritability of all characters, evaluated by the ratio of varietal variance (equation omitted) to total variance (equation omitted), were higher with the order of inferior tillers '||'&'||'lt; intemediate one '||'&'||'lt; superior one. Therefore, it is desirable to sample the vigorous tillers to represent the varietal difference of these traits. '82-'83 year variations of three parental cultivars were significant for all traits except for leaf area/tiller, panicles/hill, leaf area index and rough rice yield. The characters showing highly significant variance of variety x year interaction were growth duration from transplanting to heading, leaf area/tiller, sink/source ratio, sink capacity/panicle and grain yield. Generalized yearly response of three parental varieties (Suweon 264, Raegyeong, IR1317-70-l) and their F$\sub$5/ progenies on the 1st and 2nd principal components extracted from ten source and sink characters generally exhibited reduction in both source and sink. However, there were diverse variety x year interactions such as progenies showing similar reaction with their parents and intermediate or recombinational yearly response with little or considerable yearly movement on the four-dimensional planes of the two upper principal components between 1982 and 1983. Sink characters revealing highly significant border effect were grain-fill ratio, spikelets and sink capacity per panicle. Among them the latter two especially showed significant variety x border effect interaction. Self-competition characterized by relative weakness of inside plant's sink characters compared to the border one was more severe during the reproductive stage before heading than maturing stage. Though the larger sink capacity per panicle generally disclosed the severer self-competition, some lines (like Suweon 264) revealed severe self-competition with small sink capacity while a few others showed tender self-competition in spite of big sink capacity per panicle.

  • PDF