• Maritime Security
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.137-161
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• 2023

This paper explores the limited role of alliances in preventing maritime territorial disputes among member states, using the ongoing conflict between Greece and Türkiye, two NATO allies, as a case study. Drawing on Institutionalist theory, we seek to explain the mechanisms that have contributed to the failure of the alliance to prevent this dispute, despite constant cooperation and transparency. Unlike land disputes, maritime territorial disputes are complex and multi-layered, with fluid boundaries that can change with climate or natural resource availability. Moreover, the lack of constant surveillance creates ambiguity about territorial encroachment thresholds. These factors have exacerbated the dispute between Greece and Türkiye, drawing other NATO members into the conflict and undermining the strength of the alliance. This paper concludes by providing policy implications for the Republic of Korea in its own potential maritime disputes, and contributes to the broader literature on the role of alliances in preventing territorial disputes.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.193-241
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• 2015

China, Japan and Korea are the world's top 10 energy consumers, and so very interested in the development of seabed hydrocarbon resources in order to meet their energy demands. The East China Sea is the tri-junction area where three countries' entitlements on the maritime boundaries are overlapped. There are abundant oil reserves in the East China Sea, and therefore competitions among countries are growing to get control of them. Although these countries have concluded the bilateral agreements to jointly develop resources in the East China Sea, they do not function as well. Because joint development and management of seabed petroleum resources can lead to stable development system, and to lower possibility of legal and political disputes, the needs for joint development agreement among three countries are urgent. Meanwhile, Northeast Asian seas are semi-closed seas, which are geographically closed and vulnerable to marine pollution. Moreover there are a lot of nuclear power plants in coastal area, and seabed petroleum resources are being developed. So it is likely to occur nuclear and oil spill accidents. Fukushima nuclear disaster and Bohai Bay oil spill accident in 2011 are the cases to exhibit the potential of major marine pollution accidents in this area. It is anticipated that the risks become higher because power plants and offshore oil platforms are extending gradually. Therefore, the ways to seek the joint marine environmental protection agreement focused on regulation of nuclear power plant and offshore oil platform have to be considered. In this paper, we try to find the way to make joint development and joint environmental protection agreement in Northeast Asian seas. We concentrate on the measure to drive joint development of seabed petroleum deposits in East China Sea's overlap area, despite of maritime delimitation and territorial disputes, and we try to drive joint marine environmental protection system to respond to marine pollution and accidents due to offshore oil platform and nuclear power plants. Through these consideration, we seek solutions to deal with lack of energy, disputes of maritime territorial and boundary delimitation, and marine pollution in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.45-52
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• 2002

Recently there have been growing disputes between neighboring local governments over jurisdictional rights or property rights of ocean resources in Korean coastal waters. The reasons for the disputes come mainly from the increasing interests by local governments that begin to see the oceans as the source of resources and wealth. The maritime dispute is more complicated and sticky than the inland ones, and requires not only socio-economical but political approach, therefore sometimes demanding a plenty of time and endeavor. Also coastal states that have suffered from maritime boundary problems have different issues under the different environment and historical background. For Korea, as the maritime boundary issue has very recently soared to the surface, though it was latent for the period as long as 20 years, we have just taken steps toward an institutional approach on it, seemingly more to go to reach an agreeable resolutions to the disputes. This paper highlighted the issues surrounding the maritime boundary on the sea surrounding Korean peninsular after addressing the current situation of the boundary disputes. It will help explore and assess the possible solutions to the boundary conflicts over the lateral boundary between local governments.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Surveying, Geodesy, Photogrammetry, and Cartography Conference
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• 2003.04a
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• pp.75-79
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• 2003

Nowadays, the value of the ocean is growing noticeably throughout the world in accordance with the development of the industrial society and increase in the number of the ocean related economic activities. Therefore the pursuit of more waters has led more disputes amongst many maritime powers in the world. In this study, the territorial basepoints are recalculated methods to develop their accuracies to settle a boundary issue among nations.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.120-141
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• 2013

Korea, China, and Japan forms triangle structure which mixed complicatedly on the history and maritime territorial disputes. Nationalism lies on the basis of triangle structure, and it is a main factor which increase tension and conflicts among three countries. Considering dynamics of changing nationalism circumstance, Ieodo issue needs to prepare active countermeasures which considers cope with nationalism confrontations. The aim of this article is suggests preparations of active countermeasures cope with nationalism provocative actions. First, I will specify nationalism as a factor of territorial dispute, and review characters of Ieodo issue. Second, I will analyse China's nationalism to Ieodo through analysis of China's media contents and coverage trend of Ieodo issue (2006~2008). I will suggest necessity of active defense measures coup with China's nationalism, basis of these analysis. As a result, China's nationalism might be a criterion which measures of China's desire for Ieodo. Stimulating Ieodo coverage of China's state media can be a criterion which predicts China governments's for Jurisdiction of Ieodo. We need active measures coup with China's nationalism Which evolves into a much more bold and assertive.

• Spatial Information Research
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.39-48
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• 2010

Recently, many countries are promoting the rapid development of marine for securing territorial sea. The importance of territorial sea has being emphasized as territorial disputes among countries has been increasing. The South Korea should be encouraged to expand the territory due to territorial disputes with neighborhood countries. The purpose of this study is to derive a improvement plan for the efficient control of the territorial base point through analyzing the existing territorial base point and checking the territorial base point. Therefore, we proposed a variety of new plans for accurate positioning by sea level observation and MBES, reduced the surveying procedure through analyzing the existing territorial base points and provided a basis for the territorial base points which can be the 2nd grade national control points by improving a grade. We also suggested that the territorial base points and sub-territorial base points' database should be given standardized number for increasing the efficient management of other national control points and territorial base points. Finally, we suggested a improved work regulation about analysis and maintenance for territorial base points, the information activity of territorial base points and the new plan of community relations. This study will be a basis for the foundation of maritime territory which could be superior to other countries and the expansion of maritime territory.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.154-195
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• 2017

This paper is to analyse conflict between the US and China over the South China Sea and Korea's responses. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the current status of South China Sea sovereignty disputes; changes in US and Chinese maritime security strategies and the strategic values of the South China Sea; key issues and future prospects for US-China conflicts in the South China Sea; South Korea's security and diplomatic responses; and conclusion. The recent East Asian maritime security issue has evolved into a global issue of supremacy between the US and China, beyond conflicts over territorial disputes and demarcation among the countries in the region. China is pursuing offensive ocean policy to expand economic growth. The core of the maritime order that the United States intends to pursue is the freedom of navigation in the oceans and the maintenance of maritime access. China is making artificial islands in the South China Sea, claiming the sovereignty of these islands, building strategic bases in East Asia, and securing routes. The United States has developed several "Freedom of Navigation Operations" to neutralize the declaration of the territorial sea surrounding Chinese artificial islands. We can not be free from marine conflicts in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Regarding the South China Sea dispute, it is expected that the strategic competition and conflict between the two countries will intensify due to China's failure to make concessions of core interests and adherence to the US compliance with international norms. In the midst of conflict over the South China Sea, we need a harmonious balance between our alliance security and economic diplomacy. We must continue our efforts to strengthen the ROK-US alliance but not to make China an enemy. Considering the significant impacts of the oceans on the survival and prosperity of the nation, we must continue to develop our interest in the oceans, appropriate investments and tactical strategies.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Marine Engineers Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.135-136
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• 2006

There are several Disputes relating to the delimitation of maritime boundary and the policy of maritime jurisdiction of the states around the Korea Peninsula. These disputes are connected with the place of 'Tokdo' dominated practically by Korea, 'Senkaku islands' dominated practically by Japan, and 'Kurile islands' that is under disputing between Russia and Japan. North Korea has also the problem. The delimitation of Maritime Boundary among these States would be concluded in very near future. Therefore, we need to understand the maritime jurisdiction policy of these states. South Korea also has to set the policy.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.131-143
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• 2016

On 12 July 2016, China's maritime claim to most of the South China Sea (SCS) based on the so-called nine-dash line was rejected by the Arbitral Tribunal, constituted under Annex VII to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) concerning issues in the South China Sea including the legality of the so-called "nine-dashed line", the status of certain maritime features and their corresponding maritime entitlements, together with the lawfulness of certain actions by China which the Philppines, in a case brought in 2013, alleged were violations. As having the Tribunal determined that China's claim had no legal grounds in UNCLOS, thus undermining China's claims, and establishing that China has no exclusive legal rights to control the area roughly the size of India. There are some major implications from the Tribunal's ruling in the Arbitration award. These include implications on: how to delimit the maritime boundary in disputed waters, how to promote maritime confidence-building measures, how to safeguard maritime safety and security, and how to promote the rule of law in the SCS. Since its application of UNCLOS in East Asia, it has been obvious that the only way to resolve maritime disputes in the region is to build strong maritime cooperative partnerships under the auspices of the rule of law.