• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.69-78
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• 1984

This study was conducted to select herbicides effective for upland crops and to investigate the cause of crop injury in peanut cultivated with mulching. Crop such as radish (Raphanus acanthiformis Moor.), Chinese cabbage (Brassica raps L.), soybean (Glycine max Merr.), Peanut (Archis hypogaea L.), and marsh mallow (Malva olitoria Nakai) were tolerant to napropamide [2-(${\alpha}$-naphthoxy)-N, N-diethylpropionamide], alachlor [2-chloro-2', 6'-diethyl-N-(methoxymethyl) acetanilide], trifluralin (${\alpha},{\alpha},{\alpha}$-trifluoro-2, 6-dinitro-N, N-dipropylp-toluidine) and nitrofen (2,4-dichlorophenyl-p-nitrophenylether). Napropamide, diphenamide (N, N-dimethyl-2, 2-diphenylacetamide) and alachlor were safe for red pepper (Capsicum annuum L.), eggplant (Solanum melongena L. and tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.), while trifluralin, nitrofen and chlonitrofen (2,4,6-trichlorophenyl-4-nitrophenyl ether) could be used for water melon (Citrullus battich Forsk.), carrot (Daucus carota L.) and lettuce (Lactuca scariola L.) without crop injury. Out of nine major weed species studied, Capsella bursa-pastoris Medicus was the most resistant species to the herbicides tested. Napropamide and alachlor could not control P. hydropiper, while P. oleracea and C. album were tolerant to diphenamide :and alachlor, respectively. Urea herbicides such as methabenzthiazuron [3-(2-benzothiazolyl)-1,3-dimethylurea], linuron [3-(3, 4-dichlorophenyl~l-methoxy-i-methyl urea], and isoproturon [3-(4-isopropylphenyl) -1, 1-dimethylurea]gave a great injury to the crops studied. The weeding effect was greater for broadleaf weeds than for grasses. Isoproturon and linuron provided good selectivity for marsh mallow and carrot, respectively. In peanut, the crop injury caused by Four herbicides studied was greater when cultivated with mulching than when cultivated without mulching. With dinitroaniline herbicides the crop injury decreased as the gaseous herbicide was removed out of mulching. Alachlor gave little phytotoxicity to peanut grown under mulching condition and nitralin [4-(methylsuphonyl)-2, 6-dinitro-N, N-dipropylaniline] showed less toxicity to the peanut than pendimenthalin (3,4-dimethyl-2, 6-dinitro-N-1-ethyl propylaniline) and trifluralin.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.45-66
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the kaftan styles iin Asia. The purpose of he study was to examine the origin o the kaftan concentrating on the history and cultural backgrounds of nomads in he Western Central and North Eastern Asia. Secondly for more thorough study and expla-nation on how these kaftans contributed to East-West trade along the silk road. wall paintings and miniature illuminations along Oasis roads persia and Saracen period were compared, Also real kaftans were compared and analyzed the characteristics of Western (Turkey palestine) Central(Kazakistan Uz-bekistan Tadzhistan Qyrgyztan Turkmenistan) and the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the style classifications according to their peculiarities of the various kaftans as well as how kaftan gave important influences on custumes of different religious sects. The kaftan is a long coat-like garment with front openings fastened with long sash having an extra long sleeves which were worn by middle and high class nomadics throughout the West Central and North Eastern Asia This type of kaftans were a basic clothing for nomadics since they were constantly moving fromone to another areas on their horse back riding. They also wore tight trousers with boots. Kaftans seem to be originated from nomads of Steppe around B.C. 800 On B. C 400 west asian areas such as Solokha Kul-oba Kulogan had pictures sculptues on vases showing kaftans of half coat type length with front opening tied with band. Also the materials used were the products of animals such as wool or felt with animal designs showing Scythian nomads. In the North Eastern Asia Hsiung-Nu were active in Kazakha North Altai and Mongol The Clothing and fabrics exfavated near Noin-ula Pazyrik showed many samples of kaftan with trousers with other interment be-longings with a corpse around B.C 300 to A. D 100 when trades along the silk roads were proven by many historians Kaftans excavated in this area wore red front opening silk materials which suggesting settling down of nomads. in he central Asia Dol-gull near Altai mountain area were mainly miners who later had many trades with Persia and Bizantine. After Dol-gull Bezeklik temple Samarkant Kizil cow Budda sculture wall paintings of Astana tomb showed typical kaftan of this re-gion. These were both hip covered length as well as long coat with narrow sleeves. Es-pecially they had different color band fron the main kaftan with grogeously and splendously designed silk. In perusia during A. D 1400 to 1600 minia-ture illumination showed kaftan as a high class symbol more than clothing purpose. They had best quality silk with extra long sleeves draping and had a layers of kaftans one on top of anther as a symbol of wealth These Kaftans with different colors and designs were even more beautiful with their effective combinations and contrast of colors. On the other hand the lower class common people and servants wore simple kaftan with the front part of the kaftan were slipped into the belt in order to be more active and con-venient to work, The real kaftans discovered at Topkapi Saray palace of Turkey from A. D 1300 to 1900 were also compared. These kaftans were very numerous in numbers as well as designs The materials and designs used were also vari-ous such as Chinese to Italian silk. The shaped and pattern itself were not much different from the previous nomad's Kaftans. The Palestian kaftans remained were from the beginning of 19th and 20th century. Since this area is hot and dry desert they used black and navy blue colors mostly in order to exclude the sun lights. The patterns used were similar to Nomads and Bedouin with cross stiches and patch work decorations. In the central Asia they had similar life style and natural environmental cnditions with Turkish tribe which resulted in similar kaftan styles as nomads. Mongols conserved basic patterns of kaftan since Cinggis Khan with deep folding in order to keep warm. At last the kaftans studided in this thesis were classified in to four such as half coat long coat jacket and vest style. A pattern used in the Central Asia were zigzag and ani-mal design whereas in the West Asia were floral plant arabesk and circle pattern. As I discussed previously kaftan styles of nomads in the Asia maintained its basic pat-tern throughout the history except slight changes in color gusset sleeve shapes. These slight changes were made according to the need to adapt the need of environmental natu-ral conditions, The reason for aboriginality of kaftan in Asia was its simplicity and con-venience Most interesting fact is that for all these years Mongols are still wearing kaftan in their life ensuring us that they art the preserves of old kaftan. Since this thesis dealt enormous Asian regions I had a limitation of not being able to cover the Far Esatern asian areas such as Korea China and Japan how these kaftans were influenced in their clothing history as well as Eastern and Western culture. This topic along with the studies on materials and designs of patterns of kaftan will be another research project in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2001

According to the many ancient literatures, it is said to be that Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in unification Silla had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries, but unfortunately there is no definite records about this. Therefore in this study the writer would like to presume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in a unification Silla. For the purpose of this study the writer would like to study the reference books and materials regarding to the sea routes of prehistoric age and ancient three countries of Kingdoms and unification Silla. Especially the writer consider “The Work of Routes and Kingdoms” of Ibn Khurdarhbih regarding to the ancient sea routes of Korea, China, Arab-Islam Countries, and also the writer consider the ancient sea routes of Tang Dynasty in China and Ryukyu Kingdom in Japan. About this methodology of this study, the writer believe that the sea routes of today is the results of ancient sea routes, and this ancient sea routes could not be changed forever except special circumstance. According in this study the writer would like to persume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo using like this methodologies. This presumption of the writer is originated on the basis of The Work of Routes and Kingdoms written by ancient Arabian Geographer, Ibn Khurdadhbih in the early years of 9th century. The Work of Routes and Kingdoms is geography, and the principal contents of this geography are the activities of Arab-Islam merchants and Chinese Merchants between Arab-Islam countries and China from 9th century to 11th century by ancient sea routes. But surprisingly in this geography, Silla was marked, and another ancient Arabian geogrpher, Al-Biruni marked Silla on his map, Qanun Al-mas'udi in the 9th century, and also another ancient Arabian geographer, Al-Idrisi marked Silla on his map in the 11th century. Especially Al-Biruni expressed the longitude and latitude of Silla on his map, he expressed Silla as following. “at the extreme end of China toward the East and few people travelled to it by sea”. Therefore the writer would like to presume that Arab-Islam merchants had traded with unification Silla in the 9th century, and also Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries using above ancient sea routes in the 9th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Medicinal Crop Science
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.116-123
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• 2001

This study was carried out to investigate antioxidative, antimicrobial activity and the effect on hepatotoxicity in various extracts of Artemisia iwayomogi. The herb has been used widely for jaundice, hepatitis and liver cirrhosis in chinese medicine. Solid yield by various extraction solvents, 18.1%, was the highest in water extract. To find antioxidative activity in Artemisia iwayomogi was estimated radical scavenging effect by DPPH method in various extracts and change of the POV(peroxide value) of various extracts added in soybean oil during 20 days at $60^{\circ}C$. Radical scavenging effect by DPPH method was the most effective in methanol extract. Added 1,000ppm water extract and methanol extract in soybean oil, the POV of them, 46.8(meq/kg) and 50.8(meq/kg) were lower than that of control, 79.1(meq/kg), during 20 days storage. After antimicrobial activity of various extracts of Artemisia iwayomogi on bacteria was carried out by paper disc method, it found that the ethanol extract was the strongest activity on Vibrio parahaemolyticus. In vivo experiment was to investigate the effect of Artemisia iwayomogi water extract(AIWE) on hepatotoxicity by carbon tetrachloride$(CCl_4)$ in rats. The experiment groups were divided into five groups for recovery(for 3 days) and three groups for protection(for 10 days) in rat liver. The weights and morphological changes of liver and the body weight were examined in each groups. Compared with $CCl_4$ treatment groups$(CCl_4\;only)$, liver and liver/body(%) weights of AIWE pretreatment groups for 3 days and AIWE posttreatment groups for 10 days were declined. In macrography, fibrious exudates and swelling of liver were decreased in AIWE treatment groups. Accumulation of lipid droplets and necrosis of hepatocytes were also decreased in AIWE treatment groups in microscopically. In these results, AIWE seems to enhance hepato-protective and recoverable effect on $CCl_4$ induced hepatotoxicity in rats.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.92-102
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• 2020

The followings are the landscape preference aspects from the 816 landscapes(景, Kyung), which comprise the 78 modern Palkyungs, presented by the 78 local governments in Korea. First, the natural environment elements selected as Kyung(景), which are topographical landscapes, mostly consist of mountain elements such as mountains, terrace(臺), rocks and stones and water elements classified as rivers, oceans, and lakes. Natural elements also include old-growth and giant trees such as pines, ginkgos, Japanese cornels and fringe trees, tree-lined streets and forests, and plant elements such as azaleas, rhododendrons, lotuses, reeds, and silver grasses which provide seasonal landscapes. Second, more than half of Kyung, selected as human environment elements, are historical and cultural heritages such as graveyards, mountain fortresses, town fortresses, traditional villages, pavilion in villas, and temples. And it is followed by leisure tourism facilities such as traditional markets, exhibition halls, theme parks, beaches, and food streets, green-based structures such as trails, plazas, parks, and botanical gardens, and industrial heritages such as ranches, abandoned coal mines, stations, ports and bridges. Third, modern Palkyungs include objects not related to the views such as local representative facilities, regional products, and festivals. Fourth, although most of the modern Palkyungs consist of eight, some include 20, 38, or 100 in order to increase the number of objects of public relations. Fifth, a certain local government makes two modern Palkyungs with different subjects by introducing traditional Palkyung and modern Palkyung altogether. In this case, it presents several modern Palkyungs like by selecting Palkyungs in a limited area. Furthermore, one Palkyung includes numerous place names at a time in some cases. Sixth, Sosangjeonhyeong(瀟湘典型)-style modern Palkyung uses 'NakAn(落雁)' as the name of Kyung. Sosangyusahyeong(瀟湘類似型)-style modern Palkyung expresses 'Hyojong(曉鐘)' and landscape of glow of the setting sun, sunset, night view, dawn, sunrise and depicts cloud, sunset, moon, and snow. There are many Myeongsocheheomhyeong(名所體驗型)-style Palkyungs exhibiting the behavior of tourism and Myeongseunghyeong(名勝型)-style Palkyungs raising the awareness only by the names of the places. Seventh, modern Palkyung's naming styles are diverse, such as using only four letters instead of specifying Kyungmul(景物) or Kyungsaek(景色) in combination with Chinese characters or adding modifiers specializing in places.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.4 no.3_4
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• pp.113-120
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• 1971

In 1971, about 150,000 fingerlings of grass and silver carps were produced and distributed from the Fishculture Laboratory of Pusan fisheries College. The adults Were those transplanted from Japan in 1963. Findings during the process of this production are summarized as following : 1. Brood fish must be handled with a great care during the catching, hormone injection and maturity inspection so as the fish are not injured, otherwise, the eggs would not mature perfectly. Scale fall also affects significantly. 2. The amount of pituitary to be injected is preferable to be 2 to 3 times or more in donor's body weight to obtain good results. 3. The eggs should be spawned or stripped and inseminated as soon as mature. If the spawning is delayed the eggs become overmature and the hatching rate decreases significantly. 4. The water once used for the incubation of eggs should not be reused. The eggs under hatching process were melted away when water once used for incubation was reused. 5. A great care must be paid to keep water in quality when the net cage culture system is employed for raising fry or early fingerlings of Chinese carps. The best method to keep water in quality is to supply water in the cage continuously through a pipe or hose. 6. Heavy outbreaks of Spirogyra occured when clear well water was supplied into the cage, and a great number of fry or fingerlings were trapped or entangled resulting in a significant decrease of fish under rearing. It was prevented when moderately bloom-ed pond water was supplied into the cage. 7. Silver carp fry are usually captured and transported in the cool season because they can not be handled in the warm season owing to a high mortality, but cage cultured small size fingerlings ranging from 1.5 to 2 cm in total length are easily handled and transported even in the hot summer season, thus it enables the fish farmers to start growing them one season earlier.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the values and meanings of the letters carved on the rocks all over Mt. Sangdu located at the boundary between Kimje-si and Jeongeup-si of Jeollabuk-do by grasping the current state of them, investigating the patterns and contents of them, and understanding the spatial and landscape properties of the region where the rocks are scattered. The results of this study are as follows; The name of Mt. Sangdu came from the mountain with the same name located in India where Buddha were seeking the truth, and means auspicious. With the recognition of ancient maps and books, various propitious spots also made the landscape symbols of Mt. Sangdu solidify. Whoam, Chaangsuk-Kim, Weolgye Young-Cho Song and the members of Cheonggye Society like Dongcho Seok-Gon Kim led the creation of the rocks, and the 41 letter-carved rocks all over four water systems were found out and all of them were carved with Chinese characters. The letters were usually carved on flat and broad rocks, and they mainly had the shape of a small waterfall and a wide waterfall of under 1 meter height. 25(60.9%) of the carved letters were about moral training, and it seemed that they wanted to protect their pride under the shackle of the Japanese colonization over Korea. The styles of handwriting are Hangseo and Jeonseo except for names, and show various and complex styles. The mix composition of the carved letters of 'Yusubulbu(流水不腐)' of Choseo and the rocks of Takjok(濯足) is extraordinary, and the letters carved as the shape of Nakkwan(落款) have artistic value and degree of finishing. It seemed that intellectuals during the Japanese colonization over Korea in the 1930s considered Mt. Sangduasa highly valuable region because they expressed their hope and wish for the new world on the rocks. The letters on the rocks of Mt. Sangdu are invaluable cultural landscaping elements for the improvement of landscaping symbolism of Mt. Sangdu because of colliding values and spirits of the time of 'the anguish and pain of intellectuals' and 'the status of living joyfully outside of the mundane world.'

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.889-900
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• 2003

This study was carried out to obtain information regarding eating habits, including health related behavior and health food consumption patterns. The subjects of this study were 149 men and 152 women residing in the Ulsan area. We obtained results by means of a questionnaire and an interview, and these were analyzed using the SPSS package program. The results of this study are summarized as follows The average age of the men was 47.6 $\pm$ 7.3 years and of the women was 47.3 $\pm$ 7.6 years old. The average height and weight of the men were 169.4 $\pm$ 5.5 cm and 67.7 $\pm$ 8.2 kg, respectively. Those of the women were 157.6 $\pm$ 5.0 cm and 58.2 $\pm$ 7.5 kg, respectively. The BMI values of all the subjects ranged from 20.0 to 25.0, all within the normal levels. In the case of dietary patterns, 24.3% of the total population always skipped a meal. In particular, 15.9% of the total population skipped breakfast. No time to eat, no appetite, having no taste, and having poor health were themain reasons for skipping meals. With regard to health care, there was a significant difference between the men and the women with respect to smoking and drinking (p<0.001). Of the total population, 40.5% hardly exercised (less than once a week), 26.2% exercised occasionally, 13.6% frequently exercised, and 19.6% exercised almost every day. A total of 60.7% responded that they were not interested in their health. The mean eating habit score of the subjects was 65.6 $\pm$ 9.9. The women had a higher eating habit score than the men (64.0 $\pm$ 9.6 for the men and 67.2 $\pm$ 9.9 for the women). Except for one group above 60 years, the older group had a higher eating habit score than the younger one. The group having a higher income and a more specialized career had a higher eating habit score than the one having a lower income and a less specialized career. There was also a marital difference. The group of single subjects showed a lower eating habit score than the married group. The group having a higher eating habit score drank, smoked and went out for meals less, and exercised more than the group having lower scores. They also were more concerned about their health. In the older group, there were more diabetic and hypertensive individuals. The subjects who had a higher BMI index were more likely to be patients with hypertension, especially in the men's group. Those who had a higher BMI index and hypertension simultaneously took a variety of medicines and foods for promoting health. Those who worried a lot about their health and had health problems tended to take special foods for their health. Patients usually took tonics. Special foods for health included Chinese medicines, tonic foods, vitamin or mineral supplements and manufactured health food supplements. Preferences for them depended on the sex and age of the subject. In the case of tonic foods, the men liked them more than the women. Foods other than tonic foods were favorites with the women. This study may provide basic information on the eating habits and health related behaviors of middle-aged people. However, further studies are needed to improve the eating habits and to change the nutritional attitudes, so that people can make better choices of health foods.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Health Promotion Conference
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• 2004.10a
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• pp.1-16
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• 2004

This paper considers the possibilities of health promotion from the following perspectives; (1) IUHPE, (2) socio-cultural similarities, (3) action research, and (4) learning from our past. 1. The IUHPE values decentralized activities through regions, and countries such as Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and China belong to NPWP region. Since IUHPE World Conference was held in Japan in 1995, Japan used to occupy more than 60% of NPWP membership. After 2001, membership is increasing rapidly in Chinese speaking sub-region. The transnational collaboration is still in its beginning phase. 2. Confucianism is one of key points. Confucian tradition should not be seen only as obstacles but as advantages to seek a form of health promotion more acceptable in East Asia. 3. Within the new public health framework, people are expected to create and live their health. However, especially in Japan, the tendency of 'lacking of face-to-face explicit interactions' is still common at health-promotion settings as well as academic settings. Therefore, the author tried participatory approaches such as asking WlFY (interactive questions designed for subjects to review their daily life and environment) and as introducing round table interactions. So far, majority of participants welcome new trials. 4. The following social phenomena are comparatively discussed after Japanese invasion and occupation of Korea ended in 1945; ·status of oriental medicine, ·separation of dispensary services, and ·health promotion specialist as a national license. In contrast to Japanese' tendency of maintaining the status quo and postponing of substantial social change, trend toward rapid and dynamic social changes are more commonly observed in Korea. Although all of above possibilities are still in their beginning stages, they are going to offer interesting directions waiting for further challenges and accompanying researches.