• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.67-75
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• 2017

The culture of Gugok (九曲) and Dongcheon (洞天), which tries to reach the ideological culmination in Confucianism, was widespread throughout the Joseon dynasty. This was an extension of the spirit of studying and honoring Zhu Xi (學朱子, 尊朱子); thereby, Confucian scholars in Joseon expressed the will to follow the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱子) and comforted themselves that they were in the course of attaining the truth. As a realization of this expression of will, scholars designated and operated various scenic sites as Gugoks, following the example of Zhu Xi's Mui Gugok (武夷九曲), and Dongcheons, as a representation of the utopia. These designations are widespread nationwide, with around sixty Gugok locations that have now been reported in academia. However, the actual number of Gugoks exceeds this number, and many of them are currently not identified concerning the exact locations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the locations of Gugoks and Dongcheons scattered around Seoul, Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions. For the coordinates of Gugoks and Dongcheons, this study referred to the literature, web search and the books published by local cultural institutes. Based on the collected information, the researchers conducted field trips to investigate whether the record exists as a real location and, if so, acquired their coordinates. This study also provides the tables of Gugok or Dongcheon that only exists in the imagination, existed before but now are lost, or are inaccessible. Eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Gugok. Among them, Gogun Gugok and Okgye Gugok have relatively clear locations and records. Byeokgye Gugok and Suhoe Gugok, on the other hand, has many locations and titles overlapped, and their established time and managers are unclear. As for Ui Gugok in Seoul, it is known to be set by Hong Yangho, but some parts of its locations are confirmed, others are in dispute, and many locations are damaged. Thirty-eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Dongcheon. There are sixteen Dongcheons in Seoul area. Among them, those including Dohwa Dongcheon, Yangsan Dongcheon, and Ssangnyu Dongcheon actually exist but are forbidden to be accessed. There are thirteen Dongcheons in Gyeonggi area. The exact location of Onsu Dongcheon cannot be confirmed because of the development; Gwirae Dongcheon has historical records, but the actual existence cannot be confirmed. There are nine Dongcheons in Gangwon area. The researcher judged that Hwaeum Dongcheon is the misspelled record of Hwaeumdong Jeongsaji (華陰洞精舍址), which is located at the upstream of Gogun Gugok.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.177-194
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• 1990

Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.593-612
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• 1996

This study concern with the changes of street from the Choseon Dynasty to present days around Old-Boundary in Taegu, analyzing the backgrounds of change factors and development trends of the Taegu City. The basis element of a city structure is the street. Therefore, in this study, a chage of street space of a city was investigted. Historically, Taegu was a walled city and had a Mono-nucleus which was restricted by the castle, and served as a starting point of formation of spatial structuure. The form of the artery street took a "T" pattern, othe streets were formed in irregular shapes. As the city grew gradually, the castle was removed on account of diversification in traffic network, change of socio-economic organization in traffic network, change of socio-economic organization, formation of industrial bases and functional distribution. CBD of this city has been located within the area surrounded by these streets. This is a kind of general pattern of traditional walled cities through the world in both Western and Oriental societies. A s the begining of this centry, a 'Dark Ages' descended upon Korea because the country was under the Japanese-Korean Annexation, and, throughout this period, the urban planning was planned exclusively for Japanese. The street pattern within residential areas of Korea took the maze type, in contrast with Japanese residential areas which showed grid pattern of streets. This is another general pattern of almost of all colonial cities especially in Asia. High class residential areas were planned and built by Japanese, and they were located within 5-10 minutes' on-foot distance from the CBD hard core. This high prestige has continued until the 1980s when it occurred land use succession which commerical functions invaded into residential areas. Back in the colonial period, there was a between two hetrogeneous groups due to the fact that the Japanese lived mainly oriented the new railway system but that Koreans still lived along the old highway system which ran through the Korea Peninsula. Street netwook formed in the above process has maintained its shape without great changes after the liberation form the Japanese Colony. Taegu has, accordingly, developed ring-radial network system which has been a combination of radial and ring facilities. The present conditions of street patterns in Taegy mainly depend on 4 rings and 8 radius, with grid pattern street able to be found in Old Boundary.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.75-90
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• 2011

At the beginning of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, punch'$\breve{o}$ng began as a simplified form of inlaid celadon, and in the two following centuries it developed into a popular folk craft in various styles and expressive decorations; overtime, it was increasingly made to resemble whiteware, and its production stopped after the Japanese invasion of Korea. In the present study, the body and glaze compositions of punch'$\breve{o}$ng were examined and compared with those of celadon and whiteware, whose compositions have previously been compared with those of Chinese ceramics. Here, the analyzed shards were organized into 28 groups based on their production sites and archaeological characteristics. For each group, the body and glaze compositions of several shards(usually three to five) were obtained, averaged, and compared with those of the other groups. These comparisons showed that the majority of the punch'$\breve{o}$ng bodies were formed, like those of celadon and whiteware, with mica-quartz porcelain stone, which was commonly used in Yuezhou, Jingdezhen, and other southern Chinese kilns. The glazes consisted of clay materials and flux components made from various proportions of wood ash, burnt limestone (glaze ash) and crushed limestone. Overall, the punch'$\breve{o}$ng glazes resembled the Kory$\breve{o}$ celadon and Kory$\breve{o}$ whiteware glazes more closely than the Chos$\breve{o}$n white wareglazes. However, the $TiO_2$ levels found in the tested punch'$\breve{o}$ng were low, similar to those of Chos$\breve{o}$n whiteware; this indicated that glaze stone was used as the clay component of the punch'$\breve{o}$ng glazes, as was the case for Chos$\breve{o}$n whiteware. This study of the material characteristics of punch'$\breve{o}$ng may be used as a comparative framework for analyzing ceramic shards discovered at current and future excavations within Korea.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.257-257
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• 2018

Xinxu(新序) was published in Korea by 1492. Among the existing editions, the editions that can confirm the realities are the collections of Keimyung University, the Korean Studies Central Research Institute, Kyonggi University, Hujodang(後彫堂), and the National Assembly Library of Japan. The Keimyung University's precious book is the 'first published book', and the old book is the 'later published book' which covers pages 69-70 and 71-72 of the first published book. It is the 'later published book' that has the same side inscribed. The second books, the Central Research Institute of Korea Studies and the Kyonggi University Collection are the first published books, and the Hujodang and the National Assembly Library of Japan are on pages 9-10, 63-64, 87-88, 107-108. The corresponding side is the 'later published book'. Comparing the editions, it can be concluded that the existing editions of the previous editions have been withdrawn two times, and in the latter editions, the existing editions of four editions can also be confirmed to have been edited three times. In this paper, the literature based on the existing editions was studied and features of the Korean edition were presented. First, we examine the types of paragraphs. In principle, the text is composed of '11 lines and 18 characters', but on the actual version, the number of characters is shown in the table. In the Korean edition of the Joseon dynasty, a blank space appears in the original text. The erroneous letter in the Joseon book was identified the reason for the error was explained in detail.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.86-113
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• 2014

This study has researched the characteristics and elements of Chwibyeong (翠屛), a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old documents, and the original form of Chwibyeong at Juhapru (宙合樓) in Changdeuk Palace. The results were as follow. First, as the result of literatures analysis for Imwon-gyeongje-ji (林園經濟志) and Jeungbo-sallim-gyeongje (增補山林經濟), the plant screen was classified as kinds of support[frame] material, plants and methods of planting. It was found that the supports of Chwibyeong were made of bamboo or the material such as the Jinjangmok (眞長木: a stick of oak) and Giryu (杞柳: Salix purpurea var. japonica). The evergreen coniferous trees including Pinus densiflora, Taxus cuspidata and Thuja orientalis were mainly used for the plant material of Chwibyeong. The general planting method of Chwibyeong was to plant on the ground, but sometimes the container planting was also found on the artificial ground. Second, the term of 'Chwibyeong' in the literatures was used in only the screen made by evergreen trees, and the superordinate category term of it was indicated by 'byeong (屛)'. Therefore Chwibyeong was a compound word formed from 'chwi (翠)' which means the characteristics of evergreen and 'byeong' as tree screen which the support was made by bamboo. And Chwibyeong had semantic context which was combined with the literary symbolization to describe a landscape of green peak and Taoist ideology be inherent from 'twelve peaks of Musan[巫山十二峰]' in Sichuan sheng (四川省). Thirdly, the photograph of Chwibyeong at Juhapru taken by the 1880s, showed that Chwibyeong was made with coniferous trees and was almost 2 meters high. The Chwibyeong at Juhapru was removed during the Japanese colonial era, but a few yew trees(Taxus cuspidata) used for Chwibyeong are still remaining. And some Juniperus chinensis which the composition time is unclear, were cultivated while hung loose its branchs at the sides of Eosumun (魚水門). This Junipers were presumed to be planted by Japanese after Japanese annexation of Korea(1910), and it was judged that both of the roofs of Eosumun's side gates might have been transformed into Japanese style at the same time. Lastly, Chwibyeong at Juhapru was restored in 2008 but it was restored in wrong way from original form without precise research. Especially Chwibyeong was restored with Sasa boreralis which is damaged by frost, so it requires exertion that should revive the originals to plant original material as much as possible. And it needs the development of fabrication technique for Chwibyeong and the application to current landscape architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.56-85
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• 2010

UNESCO World Heritage Programme was introduced following the adoption of Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage by the General Conference of UNESCO in 1972 in order to protect cultural and natural heritage with superb value for all mankind. Despite its short history of less than 40 years, it has been evaluated as one of the most successful of the cultural area projects of UNESCO with 890 world heritage registered worldwide. For systematic protection management of World Heritage, UNESCO, through systemization of registration, emphasis on the importance of preservation management plan, institutionalization of monitoring, and operation of World Heritage Fund, has utilized World Heritage Programme not just as a means of listing excellent cultural properties, but as a preservation planning tool, and accordingly, such policies have had a significant influence on the cultural heritage protection legislations of numerous nations. Korea has ratified World Heritage Convention in 1988, and with the registration of the Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty in 2009, it has 9 World Heritage Sites. Twenty years have passed since Korea joined the World Heritage Programme. While World Heritage registration contributed to publicity of the uniqueness and excellence of Korean cultural properties and improvement of Korea's national culture status, it is now time to devise various legislative/systematic improvement means to reconsider the World Heritage registration strategy and establish a systematic preservation management system. While up until now, the Cultural Properties Protection Law has been amended to arrange for basic rules regarding registration and protection of World Heritage Sites, and some local governments have founded bodies exclusive for World Heritage Site management, a more fundamental and macroscopic plan for World Heritage policy improvement must be sought. Projects and programs in each area for reinforcement of World Heritage policy capacity such as: 1) Enactment of a special law for World Heritage Site preservation management; 2) enactment of ordinances for protection of World Heritage Sites per each local government; 3) reinforcement of policies and management functionality of Cultural Heritage Administration and local governments; 4) dramatic increase in the finances of World Heritage Site protection; 5) requirement to establish plan for World Heritage Site preservation protection; 6) increased support for utilization of World Heritage Sites; 7) substantiation and diversification of World Heritage registration; 8) sharing of information and experiences of World Heritage Sites management among local governments; 9) installation of World Heritage Sites integral archive; 10) revitalization of citizen cooperation and resident participation; 11) training specialized resources for World Heritage Sites protection; 12) revitalization of sustainable World Heritage Sites tourism, must be selected and promoted systematically. Regarding how World Heritage Programme should be domestically accepted and developed, the methods for systemization, scientific approach, and specialization of World Heritage policies were suggested per type. In the future, in-depth and specialized researches and studies should follow.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.154-175
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• 2020

Most Korean Buddhist paintings from the late Joseon period were produced through collaborative projects (bulsa) between clans of Buddhist monks and monk artists (hwaseung), in which the monk clans would select themes and iconography for works that would then be produced by the artists and their school. Thus, any attempt to understand the Buddhist paintings of this period must consider not only the stylistic characteristics of the monk artists, but also the conditions at the respective temple at the time of production. Applying this methodology, this paper examines the collaboration between the Buhyu monk clan and the monk artist Uigyeom and his fellow artists (hereinafter, the "Uigyeom School") that took place in Honam (湖南) and surrounding areas in the eighteenth century. In particular, the paper reveals the strong influence that the Buhyu clan exerted on paintings that the Uigyeom School produced in 1724 and 1725 at Songgwangsa Temple, the clan's main temple. Following the paintings for Songgwangsa Temple, the Uigyeom School actively participated in similar projects at regional temples under the auspices of the Buhyu clan in Honam, Hoseo (湖西), and Yeongnam (嶺南). Consequently, the Buhyu clan granted Uigyeom several honorable titles-including "Hoseon" (毫仙), "Jonsuk" (尊宿), and "Daejeonggyeong" (大正經)-that were rarely conferred to a monk artist. Such acclaim helped Uigyeom's style of Buddhist painting to become widespread throughout the three southern provinces of Korea. The paintings for Songgwangsa Temple exemplify how the Buhyu clan and Uigyeom School collaborated to visualize the thoughts and philosophies of the Buhyu clan. For the Uigyeom School, this project served as the foundation for building the reputation and esteem of Uigyeom, who became one of the most esteemed and influential monk artists of the late Joseon period. As such, the paintings created for Songgwangsa Temple in 1724 and 1725 have great significance not only for Korean Buddhism, but also for art history in general.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.12-26
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• 2023

Recently, 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』(1600), a memorandum record of Yu Seong-ryong during the reign of King Seonjo(宣祖) of the Joseon Dynasty, was returned to Korea from Japan, and about 4,000 letters in cursive characters have been interpreted by Ro Seung-suk. The contents for 203 days written in the margin of 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』 are mostly new, and are meaningful in understanding Yu's life and social association circumstances. There are daily routines of each day, contemporary figures, diseases and oriental medicine prescriptions. In particular, the combat record of Admiral Yi Sun-shin in 83 letters on the cover is very important to understand the situation in those days. It seems that the reason for writing the combat situations a year and a few months after Admiral Yi died in war was to honor his distinguished military service for a long time by King Seonjo's order according to the public opinion of the royal court. The record can be classified into two categories. First, Admiral Yi sighed when he heard about Yu's dismissal from the office in Gogeumdo, and was always alert with clear water on the boat after the Battle of Waekyo Castle. Second, he was killed by bullets shot by the enemy while directly encouraging battle, not listening to his men who tried to dissuade him from leading the naval battle at Noryang. This only contained contents of devoting his life desperately, which is an important proof of the theory of his death in war. It also contains nine methods for making liquor and another method that wasn't known to the public, and seems to include popular alcohol brewing methods or newly devised ones. In addition, there is a detail that Heo Jun, the author of 『Donguibogam』, introduced medicine to Yu, along with being unable to attend ancestral rites and relieving the poor written in red. There are also stories about Kang Hang(姜沆) returning to Korea after being captured by Japan and Lee Deok-hong(李德弘)'s son, who introduced Gugapseondo(龜甲船圖, the first picture of the Turtle Ship in Korea) to King Seonjo. In the light of the above, 『Gyeongja(庚子)/Daetongryeok(大統曆)』is an important historical record to empirically research not only figures related to Yu but also the circumstances of those days since it contains new facts that are not in the existing literature. In particular, the big accomplishment of this study is to correct the mistakenly known theory of Admiral Yi's suicide and to find out the new fact that Heo Jun provided medical information. In this respect, this book is expected to serve as a testament to the future study of the history and characters related to Yu in the mid-Joseon period.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.