• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.138-163
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• 2021

The Buyeo Wangheungsa Temple was excavated 15 times by the Buyeo National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage by 2015. In doing this, it was confirmed that the attached buildings were placed in the east and west along with the central Sangharama building. Various building sites were established in the western section of the temple, and various buildings were placed inside, and this pattern was estimated in the eastern section. In this article, the structure and function of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple were focused on the planar structure and excavated artifacts. The most distinctive feature of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple is their construction alongside the central Sangharama building. It is different from the building to the Neungsan-ri Temple, which was expanded gradually. The attached buildings in the east and west of the lecture hall are presumed to be living space for monks who used solitary rooms, and the attached buildings in the east and west of the main hall were a combination of public work space used for things such as administration, ceremonies, and reception. Next, looking at the outer space of the central Sangharama, the western section was likely constructed at the same time as the central Sangharama. However, if you look at the building site inside the western section, the function has been changed in two stages. The first stage was a ritual space, and it is evident that the western section has a separate entrance and sidewalk and that the workshop was used as a monastery space in the second stage. Finally, there is a distinct possibility that the eastern part of the complex was an important section. Although this space is presumed to be composed of triple towers and halls, it must be have been approached in various ways and included structures related to the operation of temples, such as the monastery space. From this point on, the overall appearance of Baekje temples can be recovered through access to temple structures in a wide variety of ways, including studies of the attached buildings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.164-183
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• 2021

This article examines how the production technology of the Chinese bronze mirror affected the Korean Peninsula and Japan. To that end, we looked at how the drawing of linked-arc designs in bronze mirrors was done. The drawing technique is classified into three methods: Type 1 and type 2 were confirmed to have been used in China, but type 3 was used not in China, but on the Korean Peninsula and in Japan. Type 1 and type 2 are basically the same, with an identical restored diameter of the linked-arc design, and type 2 is found elsewhere in the bronze mirror, and type 1 are not. Type 3 features different diameters, and the linked-arc design does not form a complete circle. This shows that the manufacturer of the bronze mirror did not use several bumpy compasses, but rather a single one with a fixed center and protrusion, rather than one that can be easily adjusted, as it is today. That is why, of course, a pair of compasses must have been used several times. In this regard, those who produced bronze mirrors on the Korean Peninsula in the early days understood not only the Chinese techniques of the linked-arc design, but also the meaning contained within them. On the other hand, the makers of bronze mirrors in Japan did not understand the patterns and simply imitated them. From the late Yayoi period, Japan understood and produced works with the principle of drawing the linked-arc design. As a representative example, bronze mirrors excavated from the tomb of Hirabaru can be referenced. Perhaps it can be assumed that, behind these works, there was a direct transfer of technology, such as the migration of the makers of bronze mirror makers like the Do family (陶氏), whose names were found written on bronze mirrors excavated from the Hirabaru tomb.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.252-271
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• 2022

This article examines the characteristics of the royal tombs of the late Silla Dynasty with the statues of the 12 animal deities(Zodiac) and estimates the process of change. The features of the statues show a difference in their combination in terms of continuity and similarity of the object in their hands. In addition, there is a difference in the shape of the face of the stone statue, and differences are observed in the orientation and aspect ratio of the statue according to the sculptural method. The characteristics of these statues are somewhat different from the previously studied protected-stone and manufacturing techniques. For example, the Zodiac statues that are flattened from high relief to low relief are known to be decorated in realistic expressions, but they tend to be treated as separate conditions because they do not match the change of the stone. In addition, there was a characteristic that did not show regular changes, such as appearing and disappearing again when there was no balustrade in the tomb. Summing up the characteristics of each part, the Zodiac statues are largely divided into curved angles and flat angles according to the sculptural technique, and the head orientation and clothing of the statue are related. They are divided into two categories and can be viewed as having temporality according to the aspect ratio. These characteristic changes are consistent with the continuity of features and changes in the object in the hands of the 12 Zodiac statues. Therefore, the number of faces with protected-stone changes were gradually increasing in trend. As a result, there is a possibility that the Gujeongdong Square-shape Tomb and King Jindeok Tomb are earlier royal tombs than the Wonseong Royal Tomb. Therefore, the royal tombs of the late Silla Dynasty have a complete, tomb structure, containing the 12 animal god statues, ceremonial spaces(拜禮空間), Shindo(神道), stone statues(石像), and tombstones. This can be understood as a basic motif for the royal tomb structures of Goryeo and Joseon.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.82-100
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• 2022

With the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic and the era of the 4th industrial revolution, archaeological heritage education has entered a new phase. This article responds to the trends in the post-COVID-19 era, seeking ways to develop archaeological heritage education and sustainable strategies necessary in the era of the 4th industrial revolution. The program of archaeological heritage education required in the era of the 4th industrial revolution must cultivate creative talent, solve problems, and improve self-efficacy. It should also draw attention to archaeological heritage maker education. Such maker education should be delivered based on constructivism and be designed by setting specific learning goals in consideration of various age-specific characteristics. Moreover, various ICT-based contents applying VR, AR, cloud, and drone imaging technologies should be developed and expanded, and, above all, ontact digital education(real-time virtual learning) should seek ways to revitalize communities capable of interactive communication in non-face-to-face situations. The development of such ancient heritage content needs to add AI functions that consider learners' interests, learning abilities, and learning purposes while producing various convergent contents from the standpoint of "cultural collage." Online archaeological heritage content education should be delivered following prior learning or with supplementary learning in consideration of motivation or field learning to access the real thing in the future. Ultimately, archaeological ontact education will be delivered using cutting-edge technologies that reflect the current trends. In conjunction with this, continuous efforts are needed for constructive learning that enables discovery and question-exploration.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.3-44
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• 2022

As a result of a close review focusing on the case of obstruction of epidemiological investigation by a religious group A in Daegu, which was a problem when the pandemic of Covid-19 infection began in Korea around February 2, 2020, when an epidemiological investigator requested a specific group to submit a list, While there have been cases where an act of not responding or submitting an edited omission list was sentenced to the effect that the act did not fall under an epidemiological investigation, in the case of non-submission of the visitor list for the B Center, even though a 'list of visitors' was requested. Regarding the fact of refusal without a justifiable reason, 'providing a list of persons entering the building is a key factual act that forms a link between epidemiological investigations accompanying an epidemiological investigation, and refusing to do so is also an act of refusal and obstruction of an epidemiological investigation. There are cases where it is possible to demand criminal punishment. Regardless of whether the request for submission of the membership list falls under the epidemiological investigation, there are cases in which the someones' actions correspond to the refusal or obstruction of the epidemiological investigation. A lower court ruling that if an epidemiological investigation is rejected or obstructed as a result of interfering with factual acts accompanying an epidemiological investigation, comprehensively considering whether or not the list has been diverted for purposes other than epidemiological investigation, the logic is persuasive. Epidemiological investigations such as surveys and human specimen collection and testing are conducted for each infectious disease patient or contact confirmed as a result of the epidemiological investigation, but epidemiological investigations conducted on individual individuals cannot exist independently of each other, and the This is because the process of identification and tracking is essential to an epidemiological investigation, and if someone intentionally interferes with or rejects the process of confirming this link, it will result in direct, realistic, and widespread interference with the epidemiological investigation. In this article, ① there are differences between an epidemiological investigation and a request for information provision under the Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act, but there are areas that fall under the epidemiological investigation even in the case of a request for information, ② Considering the medical characteristics of COVID-19 and the continuity of the epidemiological investigation, the epidemiological investigator the fact that the act of requesting a list may fall under the epidemiological investigation, ③ that the offense of obstructing the epidemiological investigation in certain cases may constitute 'obstruction of Performance of Official Duties by Fraudulent Means', and ④ rejecting the request for information provision under the Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act from September 29, 2020 In this case, it is intended to be helpful in the application of the Infectious Disease control and Prevention Act and the practical operation of epidemiological investigations in the future by pointing out the fact that a new punishment regulation of imprisonment or fine is being implemented.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.3-42
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• 2023

The Supreme Court en banc decision on December 12, 2022 (docket number 2016Do21314) ruled that the diagnosis of endometrial hyperplasia by an oriental medical doctor using a diagnostic ultrasound device was not an unlicensed medical practice for an oriental medical doctor, which shall be scrutinized by the article 27 (1) of the Korean Medical Service Act. This ruling did not determine that a specific medical practice, especially diagnosis, based on the radiology, which is a part of western medicine, was not an unlicensed medical practice for an oriental medical doctor. Rather, it intended to clarify that the prosecutor should specify and prove the way of diagnosis and he should not prosecute mere the use of a diagnostic ultrasound device itself. To that extent, the ruling is agreeable because, as the oriental medicine community has argued, there is no regulation prohibiting the use of certain devices. It is probable, however, that the way of diagnosis established in radiology, which is a part of western medicine, was actually used in the case. In that case, there is undeniably an unlicensed medical practice for an oriental medical doctor. While many of the cases where the demarcation between (western) medicine and oriental medicine have been problematized thus far have been experimental treatment in nature, the above practice of using ultrasound appears to be frequently done in many oriental clinics, and so it is necessary to cope with the possibility of a disguised unlicensed medical practice. Another problem is the prevention of unfair practice or the protection of medical consumers. In fact, many oriental medical clinics' practice appear to have a tendency of inducing medical consumers' misunderstanding that a diagnosis based on radiology, which is a part of western medicine, were provided. It is hard to respond to this problem with demarcation between (western) medicine and oriental medicine. A new regulation against unfair practice might be necessary to implement.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.71-109
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• 2020

Nihonbuyo(日本舞踊), a typical traditional Japanese dance, began with kabuki dancing and formed many schools, and was managed by Iemoto system. Iemoto(家元) is the head family of a school of a traditional Japanese art. Iemoto(家元) existed after the establishment of the ancient family system, and it was established as a system during the modern feudal period. Especially in Nihon Buyo, the Iemoto system has developed greatly since the modern era. Iemoto System has has contributed greatly to the succession of traditional arts and has been considered one of the characteristics of Japanese society. Basically, Iemoto system considers it the best authority to pass on the skills of excellent teachers without any distortion. It has various forms depending on the field and the school, but it is an organization with a family structure similar to that of a family with Iemoto at the top. In this article, I examined the establishment and background of the Nihonbuyo and considered the succession of the fame and authority of Iemoto through the system of succession. There are so many schools in the Nihonbuyo world that it is said to be a school kingdom. These schools were divided into kabuki actors, choreographers, female entertainers, ChiutaMai dance(地唄舞) and new dance styles, and the aspect of the Iemoto system was examined through the background and characteristics of each school. While Iemoto system has a positive aspect of inheriting the tradition, there are also many negative criticisms in the art world, such as rigid organizational management, the products of feudal society, the power of Iemoto, and the stalemate of arts. Nevertheless, in a Japanese society that places importance on tradition, the landlady system will not disappear easily. In fact, today, when there are many different art genres in common, young dancers are starting to challenge themselves along with self-examination of Iemoto in order to make the best use of traditional art. We hope that through consideration of the Japanese housekeeping system, it will become a place where intangible cultural properties will be re-acknowledged.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.233-256
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• 2021

The purpose of this article is to understand the characteristics and meanings of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum, or shamanic ritual dance. First, the characteristics of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum are summarized as follows. The regular dances that appear in all pieces of Gutgeori or the tune of Gut of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum feature Geosangchum, followed by domu and heojeonmu in the sequential order. The accompaniment rhythms are Geosang rhythm, Chum rhythm, and Yeonpung rhythm. The dance featuring mugu, or shaman implements held on shaman's hand as part of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum, which symbolizes the characteristics of deities, is the same as domu aligned with the dance rhythm and the whirling dance aligned with the Yeonpung rhythm. The name of mugu, mubok (shaman clothing) and/or deities may be used as the name of Gutchum but there is no originality of Gutchum. The Beokgu Chum and Samhyeon Chum as part of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum use Beockgu Jangdan and Samhyeon Jangdan, which deserves to have their originality acknowledged. Hwanghae-do Gutchum is closely related to the rhythm. The harmony of janggu player and a female shaman is essential in practicing the Hwanghae-do Gut. If a janggu player fails to perform to properly support the gut practice of a female shaman, the shaman is not able to proceed with a smooth practice and causes confusion. On the other hand, if the gut performance of a female shaman fails to catch up with the performance of janggu, the gut becomes plain and simple at best. Janggu is the single most important element that determines the success or failure of the Hwanghae-do Gutchum. A female shaman takes the harmony and collaboration with a janggu player so seriously that she is willing to reschedule the practice of gut if its schedule does not match that of the janggu player. The Hwanghae-do Gutchum is largely dependent on gyeolrye. However, the difference between the chum and the rhythm caused by gyeolrye has disappeared due to the intangible cultural assets. That is, designating an intangible cultural asset has resulted in eliminating all distinctive characteristics of Hwanghae-do Gutchum. With the distinction of gyeolrye becoming vague, they have lost interest in the genealogy of gut they have learned. It is no longer gyeolrye but the intangible cultural property system that serves as an important factor to distinguish chums.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.107-146
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• 2021

This article examined the current status of performance activities in the theaters in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period, and examined the characteristics and social roles of performance culture at that time.,The cultural space during the Japanese colonial period can be divided into theater space and semi-theater space.,The theater spaces in Ulsan include Daejeonggwan, Sangbanggwan, and Ulsan Theater. The semi-theater spaces include Ulsan Youth Center, Ulsan Youth Alliance Hall, Barrack Youth Hall, Eonyang Youth Alliance Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Inn, Eonyang Public Inn, Eonyang Public Normal School, Seosaeng School, Ulsan Public Aid Auditorium, Night school.,These spaces not only held events or performances for a specific purpose, but also played a role as public spaces producing local discourse. The theater was a complex cultural space where performances are performed along with movie performances, and artists and audiences meet.,Furthermore, the theater provided a special experience of producing and consuming various issues such as colonial modernization, modern city formation, and the emergence of new popular culture beyond the meaning of stage space.,The theaters in Ulsan also functioned as a space to represent the foreign culture acceptance, leisure activities, the performance and viewing of cultural contents, and the artistic skills of local artists in accordance with the purpose of establishing local theaters.,It was a base space for local discourse production and enjoyment activities by holding political rallies, meetings, lecture activities, and various conferences.,Political rallies were also concerts, enlightenment activities were also accompanied by film screenings, and music performances were associated with dance performances and charity gatherings.,In particular, Ulsan Theater, which is the first theater in Ulsan, and the role of the public hall, held a lecture, debate, and oratory for public enlightenment along with performances such as musical drama, children's song contest, fairy tale contest, small-sized play performance,, It was widely used as a large-scale rallying place, and served as a public hall, such as a place to visit outside theaters. Thus, the theater and semi-theater space in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period improved the cultural level of the region, fulfilling the aesthetic needs of the local people and faithfully fulfilling the social role as a public sphere leading the public opinion and agenda.,And it was also positioned as an alternative public area of ​​modern society and also played a role as a public institution.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.