• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.52 no.5
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• pp.501-513
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• 2019

Purpose: This study examined the menu pattern, food diversity, and satisfaction of parents with the snack menus of childcare centers provided by the Center for Children's Foodservice Management (CCFM) in Jeonbuk area. Methods: Data from 2,432 snack menus (1,321 for morning snacks and 1,111 for afternoon snacks) of March, June, September, and December 2017 from 13 CCFM in Jeonbuk area were analyzed. In addition, the participants for the survey were 247 parents in Jeonju and Kunsan. The data were analyzed using a t-test, ${\chi}^2$-test, and hierarchical regression analysis with SPSS v. 24.0. Results: Differences in the menu pattern and food diversity were observed between morning and afternoon snack menus. The majority of snack menus (61.6%) were one menu item. The percentage of 'G' (20.0%) was highest in the food group patterns. The morning snacks served mainly porridge, raw fruits, and milk, and the afternoon snacks served mainly flour-based foods, juices, and milk. The awareness level of parents about the snack menus of daycare centers was $4.09{\pm}0.82$, and its overall satisfaction was $4.06{\pm}0.69$. In the snack-quality attribute analysis, the hygiene of foods was the most important factor, and parents judged that they were doing well. Regression analysis showed that the hygiene of personnel was the most influential variable on the overall satisfaction, followed by balance with the main meal and the portion size. Conclusion: Therefore, it is important to establish snack menu guidelines considering the eating behaviors of the children and to strengthen hygiene for the increasing the satisfaction of various stakeholders in daycare centers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.165-189
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to examine process and organization of local government-managed construction by reviewing official documents and materials in regard to the official residences and castles officially constructed in Dongnae in the 19c Chosun Dynasty. Results of this study can be described as follows. 1) The construction of official residences requires exchanges of official documents among upper and lower governmental agencies concerned. Previously prepared for some 1 or 2 months, the construction was proceeded through proceeded from Paok to Gaegi, Ipju, Sangryang, Gaeok and to Iptaek. Such construction was carried out independently and concurrently Gijang and Yangsan neighboring Dongnae provided cooperation by way of supplying labor and timbers. 2) Dongnaebu castle was constructed under local autonomy system, like other government-oriented works, as governor of Dongnae became responsible for defending such establishment in 1739. The castle was built up in 1731 as an establishment with 6 gated and 15 forts. Directly controlled by governor of Dongnae, the castle continued to be partially repaired until the 19th century. Under the regime of Daewongun, the castle was enlarged and extended for military strengthening. Besides the gate having double-gated structure for the outside wall, the other five gates came to have bastions and 30 forts were additionally established, dramatically changing the structure of the castle as whole. 3) Government-managed construction was often implemented by an organization whose members included local government officials, lower administrative agencies and local influential persons. The construction of official residences was implemented by Gamyeokdogam which was headed by Jwasu of Hyangcheong. In the construction, chief of military officials became supervisor, who was responsibly supported by Saekri. The construction of castled were divided into several works, for example, establishments of fortress, tower gate and quarrying stone were implemented by the organization of Paejang, Gamkwan and Saekri. As a military official, Gamkwan supervised the construction. Saekri was in charge of related internal affairs. Paejang was an technical expert leading several workers. The construction of castles in 1870 were organized as a general rule having particularity of social conditions on Dongnae.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.108 no.1
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• pp.40-49
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• 2019

Coarse woody debris (CWD), which is a component of the forest ecosystem, plays a major role in forest energy flow and nutrient cycling. In particular, CWD isolates carbon for a long time and is important in terms of slowing the rate of carbon released from the forest to the atmosphere. Therefore, this study measured the physiochemical characteristics and respiration rate ($R_{CWD}$) of CWD for Larix kaempferi and Pinus rigida in temperate forests in central Korea. In summer 2018, CWD samples from decay class (DC) I to IV were collected in the 14 forest stands. $R_{CWD}$ and physiochemical characteristics were measured using a closed chamber with a portable carbon dioxide sensor in the laboratory. In both species, as CWD decomposition progressed, the density ($D_{CWD}$) of the CWD decreased while the water content ($WC_{CWD}$) increased. Furthermore, the carbon concentrations did not significantly differ by DC, whereas the nitrogen concentration significantly increased and the C/N ratio decreased. The respiration rate of L. kaempferi CWD increased significantly up to DC IV, but for P. rigida it increased to DC II and then unchanged for DC II-IV. Accordingly, except for carbon concentration, all the measured characteristics showed a significant correlation with $R_{CWD}$. Multiple linear regression showed that $WC_{CWD}$ was the most influential factor on $R_{CWD}$. $WC_{CWD}$ affects $R_{CWD}$ by increasing microbial activity and is closely related to complex environmental factors such as temperature and light conditions. Therefore, it is necessary to study their correlation and estimate the time-series pattern of CWD moisture.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.53 no.6
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• pp.613-628
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of the study was to identify the health anxiety issues of middle-aged women, their health-promoting behavior, and quality of life as well as to examine the relationship between these variables. Methods: The participants were 334 women in Jeonbuk area. Demographic characteristics, the status of health anxiety, health-promoting behavior, and life quality was assessed using a self-administered questionnaire. The data were analyzed using a t-test, analysis of variance, Duncan test, and hierarchical regression analysis with SPSS ver. 24.0. Results: The score for health anxiety was 37.64 points out of a possible score of 60, and the score for health-promoting behavior was 79.18 points out of a possible score of 115. The score for the quality of life was 101.18 points out of a possible score of 150. The health anxiety scores showed significant differences, varying as per body mass index (BMI) (p < 0.05), income (p < 0.05), occupation (p < 0.05), disease (p < 0.05), satisfaction with weight (p < 0.05), and interest in weight control (p < 0.05). The health-promoting behavior showed significant differences according to age (p < 0.01), BMI (p < 0.01), income (p < 0.05), menses (p < 0.05), intake of dietary supplements (p < 0.05), perception of body image (p < 0.05), and satisfaction with weight (p < 0.05). The quality of life showed significant differences according to BMI (p < 0.05), income (p < 0.01), education level (p < 0.05), occupation (p < 0.05), disease (p < 0.05), and satisfaction with weight (p < 0.05). Regression analysis showed that health-promoting behavior was the most influential variable on the quality of life, followed by disease and health anxiety. Conclusion: Based on these results, we conclude that it is necessary to consider educational programs on improving the quality of life of middle-aged women according to the health anxiety levels and health-promoting behavior.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.154-175
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• 2020

Most Korean Buddhist paintings from the late Joseon period were produced through collaborative projects (bulsa) between clans of Buddhist monks and monk artists (hwaseung), in which the monk clans would select themes and iconography for works that would then be produced by the artists and their school. Thus, any attempt to understand the Buddhist paintings of this period must consider not only the stylistic characteristics of the monk artists, but also the conditions at the respective temple at the time of production. Applying this methodology, this paper examines the collaboration between the Buhyu monk clan and the monk artist Uigyeom and his fellow artists (hereinafter, the "Uigyeom School") that took place in Honam (湖南) and surrounding areas in the eighteenth century. In particular, the paper reveals the strong influence that the Buhyu clan exerted on paintings that the Uigyeom School produced in 1724 and 1725 at Songgwangsa Temple, the clan's main temple. Following the paintings for Songgwangsa Temple, the Uigyeom School actively participated in similar projects at regional temples under the auspices of the Buhyu clan in Honam, Hoseo (湖西), and Yeongnam (嶺南). Consequently, the Buhyu clan granted Uigyeom several honorable titles-including "Hoseon" (毫仙), "Jonsuk" (尊宿), and "Daejeonggyeong" (大正經)-that were rarely conferred to a monk artist. Such acclaim helped Uigyeom's style of Buddhist painting to become widespread throughout the three southern provinces of Korea. The paintings for Songgwangsa Temple exemplify how the Buhyu clan and Uigyeom School collaborated to visualize the thoughts and philosophies of the Buhyu clan. For the Uigyeom School, this project served as the foundation for building the reputation and esteem of Uigyeom, who became one of the most esteemed and influential monk artists of the late Joseon period. As such, the paintings created for Songgwangsa Temple in 1724 and 1725 have great significance not only for Korean Buddhism, but also for art history in general.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.224-238
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• 2019

In commemoration of the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the National Museum of Korea and the National Institute of Korean History are working together on a project to reveal memorial inscriptions(墓誌銘) in the Goryeo Dynasty. So far, It founded that four newly identified memorial inscriptions of Goryeo Dynasty. Among them, I would like to introduce two memorial inscriptions in overseas and a memory inscription that was first identified as being housed in the National Museum of Korea. Kim Yong Sik's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Smithsonian Museum's FreerSackler Gallery in the U.S.A.. Kim Yong Sik(金龍軾, 1129~1197) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. He came from a family of influential people in the Andong province. In Goryeo times, provincial figures have been able to make inroads into central politics through the bureaucratic select examination(科擧). Kim's family came from the capital of Goryeo in that way. However, Kim did not rise very high. This inscription is meaningful in that it shows this ordinary middle class's life to study Goryeo history further. Sangdanghyeongoon(上黨縣君) Gwak Ssi's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Kyoto university museum in the Japan. Sangdanghyeongoon Gwak Ssi(郭氏(Mrs. Gwak), ?~1149?) is a bureaucrat class woman in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. There is not much information about her. But the method of marking the location of the her tomb is unique. Her tomb is located at the northern foot of the temple, Baekhaksa(白鶴寺, White Crane's temple). That marking method is sometimes confirmed in Goryeo period's historical text. This inscription is significant in that it shows practical example of that methods. Min Su's memorial inscription is missing after Japanese occupation time, but confirmed that currently housed in the National Museum of Korea. Min Su(閔脩, 1067~1122) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. Although his track record is partly recorded in Goryeosa(高麗史, Historia of Goryeo Dynasty), the discovery of this inscription has made new research possible. I hope that more and more memory inscription of Goryeo will emerge from somewhere and contribute greatly to the study of Goryeo history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.67-101
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the significant factors having an effect on voting behavior of legislators in the FTA ratification votes of the 18th and 19th National Assembly. The previous studies show that the ideology and party affiliation of lawmakers are the most important factors influencing voting decisions of legislators. The study investigates whether these factors plays a significant role in voting on the FTA ratification. Statistical results show three important findings. First of all, we expected that the influence of the party variable be the most important factor due to the strong discipline of the Korean party. However, the results show that the constituency-interest variable is the most influential factor in the all analyses. Likewise, the results show that the influence of ideology variables on voting behaviors is very strong even though its impact is different by cases and models. This indicates that in the analysis of the voting behaviors of legislators, it is necessary to examine the effect of ideological variables in depth and in various ways. In addition, the results reasonably suggest that the party variable be consistently important even though its statistical significance is not shown in some models. Because the study analyzes the voting on the free trade agreement(FTA) bill, the results may not be commonly applicable to other voting behavior of legislator. Likewise, there is a limit to discussing the general characteristics of lawmakers based on the analysis on the 5 FTA ratifications. Nevertheless, the finding of the study is very significant. This is because it comprehensively analyzed the factors having an influence on the voting behavior of the legislators on FTA ratifications submitted to the National Assembly steadily since the 16th National Assembly. In addition, the study is very meaningful because it analyzed the ideological variables of the legislators in various perspectives considering that it is not easy in measuring the ideology of the lawmakers.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.331-362
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• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.