• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.80
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• pp.43-88
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• 2024

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is a relatively quiet latecomer to the traditional archives of the Western world. Although the United States lacks a long history of organized public records·archives management, it has developed a modern system optimized for the American historical context. This system focuses on the systematic management and preservation of the vast amount of modern records produced and collected during the tumultuous 20th century. As a result, NARA has established a modern archival system that is optimized for the American historical context. The U.S. public records·archives management system is based on the principle that records·archives are the property of the American people and belong to the public. This concept originated during the British colonial era when records were used to safeguard the rights of the colonies as self-governing citizens. For Americans, records and archives have long been a symbol of the nation's identity, serving as a means of protecting individual freedoms, rights, and democracy throughout the country's history. It is natural, therefore, that American life and history should be documented, and that the recorded past should be managed and preserved for the nation's present and future. The public records·archives management system in the United States is the result of a convergence of theories, practices, lessons learned, and ideas that have been shaped by the country's history, philosophies, and values about records, and its unique experience with records management. This paper traces the origins of records and archives in the United States in a historical context to understand the organic relationship between American life and records. It examines the process of forming a modern public records management system that is both uniquely American and universal to the American context without falling into the two forms of traditions that reflect the uniqueness of American history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.107-118
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• 2016

The Seoul metropolitan government announced an open design competition for reconfiguring the annex building of the National Tax Service Building site on Sejong-daero as a space for citizens to commemorate the 70th anniversary of Korea's liberation. The site, built during the Japanese colonial period, has been in use ever since. This study, as one of the entries for the competition, described the strategy and design contents by drawing the concept and main points of the design through an analysis of the historical context of the site. As the guidelines instructed to consider the value of the Sejong-daero area and the cultural heritage through a comprehensive analysis, this study specified the site as a place connecting the past, present and future. Since the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, the Korean Empire and the Japanese colonial period, Sejong-daero has been a main site for important events and activities along with the change of the city structure. Jungdong, to the rear of the site, was a place for adopting new culture during the beginnings of modern Korea, while adjacent places like Duksugung, the Anglican church, and the Seoul City Council building have also been historic urban landscapes of the historical layers of time as the city has changed. When Gojong announced the Korean Empire, the city structure was remodeled with this site as the center along with Sogong-ro, Wongudan and so forth. In this study, public interest stated in the guidelines was focused and the relevance of the road and the plaza was considered from the view of an historic urban landscape by a comprehensive analysis with Sejong-daero as the center. The restoration of public interest was to be drawn as the concept of the object site by considering the current status and the change around the site and Jungdong at the rear. Returning the site to the public is ambiguous with the relevance of the restoration of public interest and as the symbol of the idea of the Korean Empire by Gojong's announcement. The object site, having the characteristic of being returned to the public, must ensure public interest and therefore the design strategy has been established with the keywords of openness, connection and void. As a result of a review of the alternatives, a plan for a square has an 8% slope, just as the original site does, and provides ramps for convenient access for all, including the disabled and the elderly, and is connected to the grounds adjacent. No construction is allowed at the terrace square of the Anglican church level and the main square connected to the pedestrian street, so a variety of modern city utilization can be done. The value of the site at which this design is aimed shall be given back to the public with the concepts of modern democracy, independence, and the vision of Gojong by reinterpreting the space from a modern viewpoint. This study focused on the processes of establishing a main concept and strategy rather than the content of the design details, and the suggestion is meaningful in that the design for the object site with historic backgrounds and the layers of time can continue to be grown.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.129-149
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• 1991

Circadian rhythm is entrained in the 24-hour time interval by periodic factors in the environment, known as zeitgeber. But most rotating work schedules are outside the range of the entrainment of the pacemaker timing the human circadian sleep - wake cycle. It has been postulated that physiological and emotional disturbances occur in most human functions when the circadian rhythm is disturbed. So application of circadian principles to the design of shift schedules can aid in maintaining the temporal integrity of the circadian system and thereby minimize for the shift worker any detrimental consequences of circadian disruption. This study was a quasi-experimental study to test the effect of shift intervals for the clinical nurse on the circadian rhythm. Twenty nurses newly employed in general units of two hospitals were selected as an experimental group and twelve college nursing students as a control group. Both groups were selected according to an established criteria using a purposive sampling technique. Ten subjects were assigned to a weekly shift group and another ten to a biweekly shift group engaged in a semi -continuous shift schedule(sunday off) with a backward direction, that is, morning -evening - night shift. The control group worked a morning shift for 42 days. Oral temperature rhythm, waking tim, sleep - wake cycle, fatigue, and mental performance were measured during the experimental period. The data collection period was from April 30, 1990 to June 10, 1990. MANOVA, paired t-test, ANOVA, and Student Newman Keuls method were used for statistical analysis. The results are summarized as follows. 1. Phase delay in the acrophase of temperature rhythm was shown according to the backward rotating shift. A complete adaptation to work on the night shift was achieved between the sixth and ninth day of the night shift. 2. There was no difference in either waking time or sleep- wake cycle according to the duration of the working day for every shift group. Significant difference was found in the waking time and the sleep -wake cycle for subjects on the morning, evening, and night shift in both of the shift groups(weekly shift group : λ＝0.121, p＜0.01, λ＝0.112, p＜0.01, biweekly shift group : λ＝0.116, p＜0.01, λ＝0.084, p＜0.01). 3. There was no difference in fatigue between the first working day and the last working day for the control group and for the biweekly shift group. In the weekly shift group, physical fatigue was significantly different for the first day and the sixth day of the night shift(t＝-2.28, p＜0.05). Physical fatigue and total fatigue on the first day of the night shift showed a significant difference among the control group, the weekly shift group, and the biweekly shift group(F＝5.79, p＜0.01, F＝4.56, p＜0.05). There was a significant difference between the shift groups and the control group(p＜0.05), Physical fatigue, neurosensory fatigue and total fatigue on the last day of the night shift showed a significant difference among the control group, the weekly shift group, and the biweekly shift group(F＝12.65, p＜0.01, F＝7.77, p＜0.01, F＝9.68, p＜0.01). There was a significant difference between the shift groups and the control group(p＜0.05). 4. No difference in mental performance was seen between the first day and the last day of work in each case. An arithmatic test on the first day of the night shift revealed a significant difference among the control group, the weekly shift group, and the biweekly shift group(F＝3.79, p＜0.05). There was a significant difference between the shift groups and the control group(p＜0.05) . The digital symbol substitution test and the arithmetic test on the last day of the night shift showed a significant difference among the control group, the weekly shift group, and the biweekly shift group(F＝3.68, p＜0.05, F＝5.55, p＜0.01), and both showed a significant difference between the shift groups and the control group(p＜0.05). Accordingly, this study showed that during night duty, the waking time, sleep- wake cycle, and fatigue increased and mental performance decreased compared with morning and evening duty. It was also found that the weekly shift group had a higher fatigue score on the sixth day of night duty as compared to the -first day, but the waking time, sleep- wake cycle, and mental performance revealed no difference for the duration of the night duty or between shift groups, and complete adaptation of temperature rhythm was achieved between the sixth and ninth day of night duty. It is possible to conclude from these results that for intermediate circadian type in a healthy young woman, a biweekly shift system is more compatible with the circadian timing system than weekly shift system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.134-147
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is, focusing on the ancient paintings and literatures, by examining Flowering Plants and drawing their cultivating methods, to provide a ground of utilizing them on the modern landscaping. In the scope and method of this study, 766 pieces of ancient paintings(6 garden paintings and 760 folk paintings) which were available and had value as literatures, and 8 of ancient literatures were intensively examined. Main results extracted from them are as follows. First, the most frequently used Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty were Prunus mume, pbyllostachys, Nelumbo nucifera, Chrysanthemum morifolium, Musa basjoo, Rosa spp., Rhododendron mucronulatum, Paeonia lactiflora, which appeared 11 times to 16 times in total. Next frequently(4 times to 8 times) used Flowering Plants were Gardenia jasminoides, Punica granatum(8 times), Dianthus chinensis, Vitis vinifera(7 times), Orchidaceae, Syringa velutina, Impatiens balsamina, Hemerocallis fulva, Celosia cristata, Hibiscus Syriacus, Rhododendron indicum(6 times), Rhododendron, Rhododendron obutusum, Acorus calamus, Althaea rosea, Kerria japonica, Citrus junos(5 times), Hibiscus mutabilis, Lychnis cognata, Calendula officnalis, Begonia rex., Helianthus annuus, Papaver spp., Narcissus tazetta, Daphne odora, Hosta plantaginea(4 times). Second, usage of the Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty can be divided into character building and horticulture for pleasure through positive, scientific approach attempt. It suggests that there might have been classes in the use of them and we can estimate which plants were particularly preferred. Third, in the symbolicity of the usage of Flowering Plants, it can be divided into three parts: The case of representing integrity, gentleman, honesty and nobility and the thought of loyalty and filial piety under the influence of Confucianism. The case of representing Taoism's thought of hermit and perennial youth and long life. The case of representing wish on wealth and prosperity. So if we make a good use of it, we may draw a meaning of cultivation of Flowering Plants from it. This is your target audience or the good luck to all he plants is aimed at, you can see the occurred. Fourth, the Joseon Dynasty was the use of flowering plants are the line of rain wanted to be more consistent with the spirit world. This is shown as a symbol of their ancestors. Joseon Dynasty was used, resulting in a kind of flowering plant and is not a subjective judgement criteria A psychological approach to the side when interpreting the Joseon Dynasty flowering plants to take advantage of the landscape of the area will widen in scope.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.110-119
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• 2009

Sosang Pal-Kyung(瀟湘八景), which originated in China and means eight scenes of So River and Sang River, greatly influenced the poems and the pictures in East Asia for a long time and became a cultural phenomenon leading the stereotype of the traditional landscapes in Korea and Japan. Studies on 'Kyung(a scene)' such as 'Pal-Kyung(八景)', have been made continuously until now, but there are no results of a study intensively focusing on the meaning and the form of Sosang Pal-Kyung, which is the origin of the domestic Pal-Kyung culture. The goal of this study is to investigate the typical form observed in Sosang Pal-Kyung-Ga(瀟湘八景歌) and Sosang Pal-Kyung-Do(瀟湘八景圖), as a text of a cultural landscape, and to clear up the coherence structure between a recognition system and a way of thinking that existed in the cultural phenomenon of Sosang Pal-Kyung. In this study, the symbolism of Pal(八) was summarized and the surface structure and the correlation of each Kyung of Sosang Pal-Kyung was explained in light of semiotics through segmenting and disjointing the lexeme of a landscape while the coherence structure and the meaning of Sosang Pal-Kyung-Ga and Sosang Pal-Kyung-Do as a text were investigated. Sosang Pal-Kyung is based on the view of the Sun and the Moon(or Positive and Negative) and the Eight Trigrams(八卦) for divination and is a linguistic symbol in which human life and the principle of circulation and conversion of nature are expressed as characters and picture texts. Its structure has strong coherence and cohesion, which attempt to move the abstruse truth of nature into human consciousness by developing and corresponding the grammatical structure and form of the sentences and the implicative languages emphasizing the symbolism of the words to the characteristics of similarities and contrast. In addition, Sosang Pal-Kyung expresses human life, the processes of birth and death of nature and the mutual response dialectically by putting various factors of the landscape in the frame of regular formality and structure. It is considered that the image signs in Sosang Pal-Kyung emphasize the theory of circulation of human life and nature are narrative scenery, which one looks at with a contemplative view in the circulation system of the time and the season. The cultural phenomena of Sosang Pal-Kyung in the Joseon Dynasty, which had been handed down from the Goryeo Dynasty, had become the driving force of leading aesthetics of Joseon's art and literature by adding the scenery of the point of view of Sung Confucianism. Its coherence structure was changed, but its cohesion was handed down continuously so that it became not only the basic text of the traditional and cultural landscape but also, the typical Korean-style stereotype of a landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.34-44
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• 2018

In the Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, Judas, Greece, and Rome, Phoenix dactylifera was planted in gardens or orchards to signify life, blessing, and victory. Branches of Phoenix dactylifera, likened to high and precious, were referred to one of the gifts to the king in the second century BC and have been used in the Feast of Tabernacles. And they were engraved on the walls of the temple and along with cherub. Besides, Phoenix dactylifera is compared with a righteous person in the Bible since it grows straight despite strong winds. And, it was used as a symbol of honesty, justice, and right. Churches call the week before Easter Palm Sunday since the crowd laid the leaves of date palm trees on the road and shouted "Hosanna" while waving the date palm branches when Jesus entered Jerusalem. Moreover, pilgrim in the Middle Ages was called 'Palmer' in English due to custom of returning with the leaves and branches of date palm trees as a memorial of the Holy Land pilgrimage. This study analyzes naming issue of Phoenix dactylifera through the old literature and 27 versions of the most influential Bibles in History of Bible Translation in Korea, China, and Japan. Phoenix dactylifera is translated into Chinese as '棕櫚(Trachycarpus fortunei)', a native tree of China. 棕櫚 is similar to Phoenix dactylifera, but its fruit and leaf are quite distinct. This being so, translating Phoenix dactylifera as 棕櫚 has a limit to convey symbolic meaning adequately. In the Japanese Bible, on the other hand, Phoenix dactylifera is translated as 'なつめやし(Natsumeyashi)' meant date palm tree. Most of Protestant Bible in Korea use 'Jongryeo' like Chinese Bible while translation in Korean Catholic Bible(2005) varies from one scripture to another: 'Yaja Namu (Palm Tree)' - 38 times, 'Jongryeo Namu' - 5 times, and 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' - 3 times. Date Palm Tree, 'Jongryeo Tree', and Palm Tree don't grow in Korea. However, they had long been recognized as Haejo(海棗), Jongryeo(?櫚), and Yaja(椰子) respectively through China and Japan. Each of them called by a distinct name correspond with its own characteristic and used separately in Korean Classics as Jongryeo and Haejo were identified in ancient Chinese literatures. It seems that more confusion was raised since 'Palm' was translated as 'Jongryeo' in several books including "?藤和英大辭典 (1915)", "Modern 朝鮮外來語辭典(1938)", and "Latin-Korean Dictionary(1995)". However, the Latin term 'Palmae' is translated into English as either palm tree or date palm. The results of this study suggest that more accurate translation of Phoenix dactylifera in the Bible would be 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' and using different name fit for its own characteristic would be more appropriate.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2017

Based on the study on place name, meaning analysis of buddhist temple Palgyeng, and classifications of instructions and characteristics of writings on rocks, the main results of the study showed the following. Cheongamsa is located in the upstream of Muheulgugok Valley which was run by Hangang Jeong Gu(寒岡 鄭逑), a typical young man in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, and overlaps with chief monk Byukam Lee Dukjin's(1896~?) object of Cheongamsa Palgyeng during Japanese colonial era. Including the mountain embracing Cheongamsa called Bullyeong-san, various characteristics of writings on rocks such as use of combination of place names including Sudosan, Seonlyeongsan, and Sinseondae, as well as Cheongamsa Temple, Bullyeongdongchun(佛靈洞天), Namuabitabul, Hogye(虎溪), Yeosan Waterfall(廬山瀑布), and Sejinam(洗 塵巖) show co-existence of Confucianism and Taoism mixed together in the temple. Especially for Cheongamsa Valley Hogye and Samsocheon(三笑泉) which is in the precincts of the temple, are realized as the symbol of the scenery of the three religion consilience of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism through announcement using Hogyesamso(虎溪三笑) which originated from Yeosan Donglimsa, Jiangxi, China. Also, there are Yeosan Waterfall with a noble sense of place by negotiating with god, writing on rocks imprinted, and Yeosangyo(廬山橋) in Cheongamsa. As such, cultures of the three religion remain in various layers with the spirit of Hogyosamso symbolizing the consilience and coexistence of the three religion in Cheongamsa without the exclusiveness of Buddhism. Besides, the third precept of Yukhwagyeongbub, known to be practiced in Buddhist temples, which says "Do not only express self-assertion and ignore others" according to the dogma of working together in harmony, is in accordance with the spirits of Hogyesamso. As shown, Gimcheon Cheongamsa which is adorned with cultural landscapes of Hogyesamso, Gugokdongcheon(九曲洞天), and Palgyeng(八景), is not only good enough for the way of Buddhism and Confucianism but also for a place for the three religion consilience embracing the three religion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.76-89
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• 2012

This study aimed at carrying out a semantic interpretation of the core Design language that seemed to influence deeply in the creation of the ChwuiseokJeong wonlim of Gochang. Especially, this paper aimed at inferring how the spiritual culture of seclusion of the 16th century influenced the creation of the wonlim by understanding the metaphor and symbolism by grasping the transmission meaning and reception meaning of the creators and the people concerned with keywords like Eunil(隱逸: seclusion), Chwuiseok(醉石), and Chilseongam(七星巖). 'Building up a wall' was intentionally carried out in order to represent 'Seven Stars(The Big Dipper)' inside of the wonlim. This is a kind of two-dimensional 'enframement', and a result of active creation of a meaningful landscape. From Chilseongam that was created by assembling, we presumed that Kyung-Hee Kim, Nohgye(蘆溪), the creator showed the recognition and thoughts of astronomy as a Confucian scholar that the ChwuiseokJeong Wonlim where he secluded is the center of the universe. The interpretation of words in Nohgyezip, an anthology, showed that the articles and writtings of Nohgye, his decsendants, and the people of ChwuiseokJeong included alcohols, Chwuiseok, Yeon-Myung Do, and Yuli(栗里) where Do secluded; this means that Nohgye ranked himself with Do because Nohgye also lived in peace by drinking alcohols and enjoying nature like Do did. 'Drinking' was what expressed the mind of Nohgye who wanted to be free and have the joy of enjoying mountains, water, and their landscape like Do did. In other words, 'Drinking' is the symbol of freedom that makes him forget himself and equate himself with nature. These are the representation, imitation, and mimesis of respecting Yeon-Myung Do. As the alegory of 'speaking something with other things' suggested, it is possible to read 'Chwuiseok', came from the story of Yeon-Myung Do, in multiple ways; it superficially points out 'a rock on which he laid when he was drinking', but it also can be interpreted as 'an object' that made him forget his personal troubles. In addition, it means freewill protecting unselfish mind with the spiritual aberration of drinking, 'Chwui(醉)', mentally; also, it can be interpreted metaphorically and broadly as a tool that makes Nohgye reach to the state of nature by the satisfied mind of Yeon-Myung Do. 'Chwuiseok' was a design language that showed the situation of Nohgye by comparing his mind with the mind of Yeon-Myung Do from the Confucian point of view, and a kind of behavioral mimesis based on his respect to Do and 'aesthetic representation of objective reality.' It is not coincidental that this mimesis was shown in the engraved words on Chwuiseok and the creation of ChwuiseokJeong that has the same name with Chwuiseok in Korea and China.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.1-10
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to identify whether the cranes had been bred in the palace of the Joseon Dynasty period and to consider the related cases. The temporal range of this study is in the Joseon Dynasty period, and the spatial range is throughout the entire palace, including the naejeon(內殿) and oijeon(外殿), and government offices inside(闕內各司) and government offices outside(闕外各司). The reference materials for this study were partly extracted and translated from the original documents to consider, and a Korean version of documents was used in the database of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics. The results of this study are summarized as follows. First, the cranes were bred from the early Joseon Dynasty Era in Uijeongbu, the highest government office in the Joseon Dynasty period. After the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, crane breeding in Uijeongbu(議政府) seems to have been suspended due to the damage to the government building and the change in the status of the government office. Second, crane breeding in Hongmungwan(弘文館), which was responsible for the classics colloquium(經筵) and public opinions and assisted the king by the side, continued from the early Joseon Dynasty period(Jungjong's Era) to the late Joseon Dynasty period(Jeongjo's Era) after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. Third, in the Jeongjo's Era, the cranes were also bred in Gyujanggak(奎章閣), which was newly established as the central institution of learning to strengthen the royal authority. At that time, it seems that several cranes were bred in Gyujanggak. Fourth, it is judged that 'Crane breeding' in the core government offices of Joseon, such as Uijeongbu, Hongmungwan, and Gyujanggak, was meaningful as a symbol of identities, such as the status and character of the institution. Fifth, it seems that the cranes bred in the palace, including Hongmungwan, were conventionally brought by the Baecheon County of Hwanghae-do. This convention caused minor conflicts between the central and local government offices during the Yeongjo's Era, but it seems to have continued throughout the Jeongjo's Era. In this study, there is a limit that most of the studies were conducted based on local data. If further data discovery and translation outcomes are accumulated in the future, more abundant cases will be identified. The deepened follow-up studies are also needed, other than the cases of rearing cranes in the local government offices and temples.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.77-101
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• 2018

Even in our modern era, the projection of monsters in the recent literature contains the critical imagination of human existence for the posthuman age. The meaning of the monster-abject, especially as from the perspective of feministic criticism, contains criticism of the violent and oppressive patriarch as observed in the modern times. This article focuses on the gendered imagination of the discussions of the "abject" discussed by Julia Kristeva, and the "monstrous femine" discussed by Barbara Creed. Kim Eon-Hee's poems and Han Kang's novels, which have been examined extensively for analysis, show that the practical strategy of abject that goes beyond hate and sublime, wonder and joy through the imagination and concepts of monsters. The monster-abject strategy of Kim Eon-Hee's poem can be summarized by the narrative method of mirroring and the imagination of the truncated body. Mirroring falsification, which mimics the male speaker, is a method that some feminists strategically utilize in relation to the problem of female aversion in recent years as noted in the literature. In Kim Eon-Hee's poem, "becoming a man" and "imitating a man," through the method of mirroring appear as an image of cutting to dismantle the body. In that way, the narrative strategy of the abject that draws out abominations and bizarre effects which contains a strong critique of the patriarchal dominant ideology. The monster-abject strategy of Han-Kang's novel is embodied through the being of plants and the process of vegetarian-anorexia process. The world of the adject which was oppressed in the Han-Kang's novel, returns to the senses of the body through the symbol of the body. It is noted that the fictional characters who realize the repressed desire through the pathological symptom expressed by the female, go on to body perform active transformation. The sense of a body in a novel is not only a rejection of the world of animalman-civilization, but also a radically questioning of the noted and recognized boundaries between human beings and non-human being entities. The two writer's works show that the imagination of the monster-adject is not limited to rejecting the existing gender categories, but also goes in the direction of exploring the possibilities of various associated gender actions.