• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.177-201
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• 2011

Myanmar had fallen behind other southeast asian nations since Burmese way to Socialism settled down. However, historically second election in Myanmar hold in 2011 and dramatic changes in areas such as Special Economic Zone announcement, the very huge inflows of foreign direct investment in a year of 2009, the infrastructure building projects, a permit of the right to strike for Labour Organization in Myanmar etc. Particularly, Foreign investments and trade with neighbouring countries are actively growing and also with Korea. But investments of Korea in Myanmar relatively are not diversity, with limited sectors such as mining and sewing manufacturing. In this point of view, this paper is trying to make implications for strategies of entry and investments of Korea in Myanmar by using previous papers related to Myanmar economies, trade and foreign investments with updated statistical data. The implications for Korea is that recently Myanmar economy is in its early stages of development. Although it can occur huge demand of railway, road, communications and constructions related to social infrastructures essentially needed for development of a country, these sectors relatively need huge investments. On the other hands, textile and sewing industry relatively need smaller investments in which investors can utilize low labour cost and a position for export to third countries. But those firms which set up for those purpose in Myanmar might have trouble creating domestic markets in future. Moreover, due to demand which occur in the early stage of growth in Myanmar, trade volume tend to increase and trading is also possible to invest but Myanmar still have lots of problems with infrastructure such as road and logistics and we need to make pre-survey for the costs and benefits of our products Finally, Myanmar government is trying to promote and encourage some of industries such as export-oriented industry, import substitution industry and labour-intensive industry. It can also means they will accumulate capital which can be sources for Myanmar economic growth.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.146-158
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• 2012

This study aims to discussion the characteristics of location and spatial organization of the Seoul Sajikdan that has significance as one of national ceremonial place in Joseon Dynasty to understand its landscape architectural characteristics. To do this, we studied in two ways; review of historical documents and analysis of the present conditions and photographing, research materials about the form of physical structure. Through these ways, the results are as follows. First, in case of construction, Sajikdan took fundamental shape in Tae-jong 16 year(1416), since then it had been changed during Imjin War, reign of Suk-jong, and Japanese Colonial Era. It took present shape through restoration of Seoul Sajikdan in 1998. Second, in case of location, Sajikdan abuts onto southeastern range of Mt. Inwang that is Wubaekho(右白虎) of inner four mountain(內四山) of Hanyang, and it has a topography of west-high-east-low type. Also its territory is up to Maedong elementary school, the office of Sajik-dong, and a Dangun shrine. Third, in case of spatial organization, Sadan and Jikdan are in harmony of Yin-Yang(陰陽) and arranged in the center. As making Yumun and Sinmun(神門) at the center of four side of Yuwon and Juwon(周垣), they show organization of the Five Elements. And subsidiary buildings are thought that its arrangement was considered functional similarity and use convenience. Finally, in case of spatial component, Danyu structures are Sadan and Jikdan that hold a Sajikdaeje(社稷大祭), Yuwon that surround two altars, and Juwon that is outer fence of Yuwon. Architectures are Sajikdan Jeongmun, Sinsil, and Anhyangcheong. Also Prunus yedoensis, Zelkova serrata, Acer palmatum, are planted, but Pinus densiflora was main species and there needs to be replanted suitably to the site.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.141-172
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• 2017

The objectives of this paper are to investigate hunting, stock raising, sacrifice recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions of Shang Dynasty. I want to raise two basic questions. First, what were the functions of hunting, stock raising, sacrifice, which constructed the world of life in Shang Dynasty? Second, what were the relationships of gods, men, animals derived from them? These questions are brought up to how the commoners of Shang Dynasty build the world and perceive it. I adopted positively prevalent theories for answering those questions. I am particularly provided with Michael J. Puett's insightful remarks in this presentation. He criticizes the previous viewpoint that the relationships of gods and men in ancient China were harmonious and mutually respondent. According to him, in the ancient way of thinking of China the world of gods was full of whimsical and unpredictable power and also contained the risks, which led to disaster to the human world. So it is needed to be controled in a certain way. The sacrifice and the divination must have been instruments for controlling it in ancient China. In the same vein his arguments can be applied to the special connotations of hunting and stock raising, by the benefit of which I developed my own ideas in this paper. The conclusions are as follows. First, Shang dynasty tried to suppress the latent danger of two worlds. The nature represented by animals and the world of gods were respectively considered as the unknown domains, which is to threatening human life. Hunting, stock raising, sacrifice were the ways and means of controlling these two domains of power, which cause chaos in life. Second, the relationships among gods, men, animals had various functions and changed their status role, depending on the circumstances. Hunting and stock raising were important methods to domesticate animals with violence. In this domestication process animals became "victims" but animals are also to be the messengers to gods through being slain in the sacrifice. In this way animals are both inferior and superior to men and hold a unique status between gods and men.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.295-306
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• 2018

Despite the utility of solid-state NMR, NMR studies of iron-bearing silicate glasses remain a challenge because the variations in the peak position and width with increasing iron content reflect both paramagnetic effect and iron-induced structural changes. Therefore, it is essential to elucidate the effect of temperature on the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses. Here, we report the $^{29}Si$ and $^{27}Al$ MAS NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ and $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ (anorthite) glasses with varying spinning speed to interpret the NMR spectra for iron-bearing silicate glasses. The increase in the spinning speed results in an increase in the sample temperature. The current NMR results allow us to understand the origins of the changes in NMR signal with increasing iron content and to provide information on the dipolar interaction between nuclear spins. The $^{29}Si$ NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ glass and $^{27}Al$ NMR spectra for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses show that the peak shape and position of iron-bearing glasses do not change with increasing spinning speed up to 30 kHz. These results suggest that the NMR signal in the Fe-bearing glasses may stem from the 'survived nuclear spins' beyond the cutoff radius from the Fe, not from the paramagnetic shift. Based on the current results, the observed apparent shifts toward lower frequency of Al peak for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ at all spinning speed (15 kHz to 30 kHz) indicate the increase in the fraction of ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with lower n (i.e., 1 or 2) with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ and the spatial proximity between Fe and ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with higher n (i.e., 3 or 4). The present results show that changes in the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses reflect the actual iron-induced structural changes. Thus, it is clear that the applications of solid-state NMR for iron-bearing silicate glasses hold strong promise for unraveling the atomic structure of natural silicate glasses.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.29
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• pp.225-268
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• 2011

The general public are interested in the politics and form public opinion and keep in check the government for true democracy. The general public have the right to be furnished information from the government. And the government should enact the Freedom of Information Act to provide the public's right to know. At the same time, the government should enact the Data Protection Act to provide the public's right to privacy. There is a friction between the Freedom of Information Act and the Data Protection Act. It's hard to maintain the proper balance between the Freedom of information Act and the Data Protection Act, but many countries try to do so. The UK enacted the Data Protection Act 1998(DPA), which entered into force on 2000, to comply with EU Directive 1995. The Freedom of Information Act 2000(FOI), which came fully into force on 2005, was passed in 2000. The FOI imposes significant duties and responsibilities on public authorities to give access to the information they hold. The purpose of this study is to consider the provisions of the personal data in FOI and DPA. Besides this, it identifies the complaint cases on public authorities about the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in comparison with the acts. If information is the personal data of the person making the request, it will disclose under the DPA. If information is the personal data of a third party, it will disclose under the FOI. These acts interact each other to make up for the weak points in the other to make a proper application of the act on public authorities. This study may have any limitation in making a comparative study of the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in Korea. But it is expected to provide a basis for understanding the disclosure and exemption of the personal data in the UK.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2004.11a
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• pp.355-380
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• 2004

I test the hypothesis that the gradual diffusion of information across asset markets leads to cross-asset return predictability in Korea. Using thirty-six industry portfolios and the broad market index as our test assets, I establish several key results. First, a number of industries such as semiconductor, electronics, metal, and petroleum lead the stock market by up to one month. In contrast, the market, which is widely followed, only leads a few industries. Importantly, an industry's ability to lead the market is correlated with its propensity to forecast various indicators of economic activity such as industrial production growth. Consistent with our hypothesis, these findings indicate that the market reacts with a delay to information in industry returns about its fundamentals because information diffuses only gradually across asset markets. Traditional theories of asset pricing assume that investors have unlimited information-processing capacity. However, this assumption does not hold for many traders, even the most sophisticated ones. Many economists recognize that investors are better characterized as being only boundedly rational(see Shiller(2000), Sims(2201)). Even from casual observation, few traders can pay attention to all sources of information much less understand their impact on the prices of assets that they trade. Indeed, a large literature in psychology documents the extent to which even attention is a precious cognitive resource(see, eg., Kahneman(1973), Nisbett and Ross(1980), Fiske and Taylor(1991)). A number of papers have explored the implications of limited information- processing capacity for asset prices. I will review this literature in Section II. For instance, Merton(1987) develops a static model of multiple stocks in which investors only have information about a limited number of stocks and only trade those that they have information about. Related models of limited market participation include brennan(1975) and Allen and Gale(1994). As a result, stocks that are less recognized by investors have a smaller investor base(neglected stocks) and trade at a greater discount because of limited risk sharing. More recently, Hong and Stein(1999) develop a dynamic model of a single asset in which information gradually diffuses across the investment public and investors are unable to perform the rational expectations trick of extracting information from prices. Hong and Stein(1999). My hypothesis is that the gradual diffusion of information across asset markets leads to cross-asset return predictability. This hypothesis relies on two key assumptions. The first is that valuable information that originates in one asset reaches investors in other markets only with a lag, i.e. news travels slowly across markets. The second assumption is that because of limited information-processing capacity, many (though not necessarily all) investors may not pay attention or be able to extract the information from the asset prices of markets that they do not participate in. These two assumptions taken together leads to cross-asset return predictability. My hypothesis would appear to be a very plausible one for a few reasons. To begin with, as pointed out by Merton(1987) and the subsequent literature on segmented markets and limited market participation, few investors trade all assets. Put another way, limited participation is a pervasive feature of financial markets. Indeed, even among equity money managers, there is specialization along industries such as sector or market timing funds. Some reasons for this limited market participation include tax, regulatory or liquidity constraints. More plausibly, investors have to specialize because they have their hands full trying to understand the markets that they do participate in

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.36-66
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• 2011

The goal of this article is to examine the connection between creativity of unconscious and religion. Jung criticized how Freud's approach in studying the unconscious as a scientific inquiry focuses on the unconscious as reflecting only those which is repressed by the ego. Jung conceived of the unconscious as encompassing not only the repressed but also the variety of other psychic materials that have not reached the threshold of the consciousness in its range. Moreover, since human psyche is as individualistic as is a collective phenomenon, the collective psyche is thought to be pervasive at the bottom of the psychic functioning and the conscious and the personal unconscious comprising the upper level of the psychic functioning. Through clinical and personal experience, Jung had come to a realization that the unconscious has the self-regulatory function. The unconscious can make "demands" and also can retract its demands. Jung saw this as the autonomous function of the unconscious. And this autonomous unconscious creates, through dreams and fantasies, images that include an abundance of ideas and feelings. These creative images the unconscious produces assist and lead the "individuation process" which leads to the discovery of the Self. Because this unconscious process compensates the conscious ego, it has the necessary ingredients for self-regulation and can function in a creative and autonomous fashion. Jung saw religion as a special attitude of human psyche, which can be explained by careful and diligent observation about a dynamic being or action, which Rudolph Otto called the Numinosum. This kind of being or action does not get elicited by artificial or willful action. On the contrary, it takes a hold and dominates the human subject. Jung distinguished between religion and religious sector or denomination. He explained religious sector as reflecting the contents of sanctified and indoctrinated religious experiences. It is fixated in the complex organization of ritualized thoughts. And this ritualization gives rise to a system that is fixated. There is a clear goal in the religious sector to replace intellectual experiences with firmly established dogma and rituals. Religion as Jung experienced is the attitude of contemplation about Numinosum, which is formed by the images of the collective unconscious that is propelled by the creativity and autonomy of the unconscious. Religious sector is a religious community that is formed by these images that are ritualized. Jung saw religion as the relationship with the best or the uttermost value. And this relationship has a duality of being involuntary and reflecting free will. Therefore people can be influenced by one value, overcome with the unconscious being charged with psychic energy, or could accept it on a conscious level. Jung saw God as the dominating psychic element among humans or that psychic reality itself. Although Jung grew up in the atmosphere of the traditional Swiss reformed church, it does not seem that he considered himself to be a devoted Christian. To Jung, Christianity is a habitual, ritualized institution, which lacked vitality because it did not have the intellectual honesty or spiritual energy. However, Jung's encounter with the dramatic religious experience at age 12 through hallucination led him to perceive the existence of living god in his unconscious. This is why the theological questions and religious problems in everyday life became Jung's life-long interest. To this author, the reason why Jung delved into problems with religion has to do with his personal interest and love for the revival of the Christian church which had lost its spiritual vitality and depth and had become heavily ritualized.