• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.59-93
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• 2006

Wolseong in Gyeongju is a historic fortress site of Silla constructed under the reign of Pasanisageum that played politically and militarily important roles. The moat surrounding Wolseong had a function of protecting the fortress in wartimes but became a part of gardening in the unified Silla era. Lots of relics have been excavated from Wolseong moat since 1985. Among them a great number and kinds of convex roofing tiles are regarded as invaluable sources to show different aspects of Silla, from its earlier time through to the unified and on. Roofing tiles were widely used for national buildings such as royal palaces, temples and fortresses and even for other popular architecture and have been dug out a lot more than any other relics. Research on them, however, has been done poorly. Vigorous study is in progress with increasing number of roofing tiles coming from many recent excavations, though it has been limited to the studies on general genealogy of patterns and manufacture processes. Thus this essay seeks to find which are dongbeomwas, roofing tiles of a same mold, out of convex tiles with the pattern of a unilobed lotus flower dug out of Wolseong moat. It also attempts to identify dongbeomwas by examining detail characteristics of roofing tiles which have been confusingly termed as yusawa, similar roofing tiles, or donghyeongwa, roofing tiles of the same shape. The significance of identifying dongbeomwas could be emphasized by various facts resulting from researches on dongbeomwas; the ways to identify them correctly, their time sequence and their excavated sites. In conclusion, dongbeomwas were identified out of many kinds of convex tiles. If they were excavated from the same site, they share some common features. The sites where they were dug out also tell what changes were made with passage of time and what relations they had with neighboring Anapji. Since roofing tile molds haven't been found yet, the only way to identify dongbeomwas is to examine details of roofing tiles. Dongbeomwas excavated in Wolseong moat help to discuss the time of each district of it. Meanwhile it should be noted that the term 'dongbeomwa' be used only after exact examining.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.38-61
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• 2019

Up until the early twentieth century in Germany, there were two research trends: 1) emphasizing objectives and making detailed observations of archaeological artifacts and sites, 2) tracing the remains of specific nations or ethnic groups and defining their temporal-spatial boundaries by conducting research on material culture in terms of nationalism or ethnocentrism. After the Second World War ended and Germany was divided, West German archaeology focused on observations of artifacts and sites, cataloging them, and doing research on chronology and distribution following their own traditional methodologies. East German archaeology attempted to prove the developing process of history and its Marxist principles based upon material culture and to examine the historic value of inherent specific cultural heritage based on criteria regarding how it corresponded to socialism and contributed to the development of socialism. Nevertheless, East and West German archaeology shared traditional archaeological methods inherited from German archaeology since the nineteenth century, and contact between archaeologists in West and East Germany continued to a degree. Furthermore, East German archaeology produced significant archaeological achievements acknowledged by West German and European archaeologists. These facts provided the momentum to complete rapid incorporation of the archaeologies of West and East Germany in spite of a one-sided process imposed by West German archaeology. In the case of Korea, it seems necessary to make an effort to share common research history and traditions and to encourage mutual academic exchange (e.g. joint excavation and archaeological research). Furthermore, it is also imperative to have open-minded attitudes toward accepting substantial results and interpretations achieved by North Korean archaeologists under scrutiny when and where necessary, despite seeming to have been fossilized by Marxism and Juche ideology. Any efforts to narrow the gap in archaeological research and conservation of cultural heritage between the archaeologies of South and North Korea should be made immediately. The case of Germany demonstrates how such a project could proceed efficaciously.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.186-203
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• 2015

This article attempts to examine both the outcome and future task of the art history research on Central Eurasia, better known under the name of "Silk Road". The term Central Eurasia encompasses Xinjiang Uygur, Tibet, Mongolia, former Soviet Republics, the northwest region of India, Iran and Turkey. The article analyzes the 30-year history of the region's art history research and further presents a desirable direction that the study should move towards. Though short in its research period, the ROK's art history study on Central Eurasia has shown eye-catching achievement in several areas such as the northwest region of India and the Xinjiang Uygur, Dunhwang of China. Two factors allowed for this accomplishment. First was the actual improvement of the work environment, where the scholars were finally able to travel to Central Eurasia and explore the historic sites for themselves since 1990. More important was the 'arena of study' for the next-generation scholars made possible by institutions like The Korean Association for Central Asian Studies and the Center for Central Eurasian Studies. Slowly but consistently, the two academic societies induced scholars' attention towards the field and fostered new experts. Circumstances changed, marking 2012 as the starting point. International academic forums held by the government branches surged in number. The intention behind it was to link the ROK with the Silk Road and ultimately to obtain the "Eurasia initiative". As of now, the public has shown heightened interest in the issue. The academia is subsequently riding on this second "wave of interest" following the first wave in the 1980s. However, increased popularity comes with some negative consequences, and this art history research on Central Eurasia is no exception. There are criticisms regarding the objectivity of recent academic forums. Some argue that the aim of the forums are sternly set most of the times, prohibiting the presenters to voice their own perspectives. Still, this heated attention will definitely play its role as a stepping stone for further development. The academia should commit to fostering rising researchers who will systemically and professionally study the field. This is imperative in order for the Korean culture to successfully communicate with the world and take itself to a new level. Without completing this task, the ROK's art history research on Central Eurasia is likely to remain idle.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.270-285
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• 2016

Various opinions and discussions have been actively in progress which are connected with cultural heritage since 'Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs' was announced by UN Sustainable Development Summit 2015 as Post-2015 Development Agenda. Apart from SDGs, conservation of cultural heritage itself stands on the basis of sustainability that originality, characteristic, diversity of cultural heritage should be permanently preserved. From that point of view, it is necessary to understand practical ODA for cultural heritage, far from theoretical approaches and policies. This paper is intended to look into the domestic and overseas situation related to ODA of Asian cultural heritage and the mentioned problems, future plans and challenges. First, the background and concepts about ODA were described and then ODA projects which have been carried out by Japan and China as typical ODA countries for Southeast Asia were introduced. ODA of cultural heritage in Korea has relatively recently started for restoration work for historic sites of Laos and Cambodia and its scale and performance do not come to much yet. Therefore, to develop ODA of cultural heritage, there are suggestions as in the followings. First, it is necessary to have a long-term master plan of ODA projects for sustainability of cultural heritage. Second, based on the view from the long-term perspective, the selection and focus for ODA partner countries should be considered, avoiding short-term projects aiming at a number of countries. Not widespread existing projects by other countries, but the model of Korean ODA for cultural heritage only Korea can conduct should be prepared. The next thing is connection with sustainability, and ultimately the conservation of cultural heritage should result in benefit to the natives by giving an impetus to economy as well as fostering tourism of local areas. To accomplish that connection, educational training and building capacity are suggested as the most suitable alternatives. Cultural heritage of each country reflects its indigenous originality and characteristics, therefore, the restoration work should be conducted by people in each country as the best way. From this point of view, ACPCS held by National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage will take a role of a specialized training program in Korean way. Lastly, establishment of a control tower for ODA in Korea is necessary. JCIC(Japan Consortium for International Cooperation in Cultural Heritage), which was set up in Japan for sharing information, establishment of cooperation system and prevention of overlapped projects will be an example we can take into consideration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.76-101
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• 2013

In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.