• Journal of Korean Society of Environmental Engineers
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• v.34 no.7
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• pp.445-453
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• 2012

An investigation for removal of 1-indanone (1-ID), which were commonly produced from the biological and/or chemical treatment and natural weathering of the PAHs-contaminated soils, via oxidative transformation mediated by birnessite in the presence of various phenolic mediators is described. This study also examines the potential effect of the natural occurring substance humic acid (HA) on the oxidative transformation. The experiment was carried out in aqueous phase as a batch test (10 mg/L 1-ID, 0.3 mM phenolic mediators, $1.0g/L\;{\delta}-MnO_2$, at pH 5). All of the 11 tested phenoilic mediators belong to the group of natural occurring phenols and are widely used as model constituents of humic substances. From the results of HPLC analysis, it is demonstrated that 1-ID was not reactive to birnessite itself, but it can be effectively removed in birnessite-mediated cross coupling reactions in the presence of the phenolic mediators. The percent removals of 1-ID after 2 day incubation were ranged from 9.2 to 71.2% depending on the phenolic mediators applied. The initial rate constant ($K_{int}$, $hr^{-1}$) values for the 1-ID removals obtained from the pseudo-first-order kinetic plots also widely ranged from 0.18 to 15.0. Results of the correlative analysis between the removal efficiencies and structural characteristics of phenolic mediators indicate that the transformation of the 1-ID was considerably enhanced by the addition of electron-donating substituents (e.g., -OH, $-OCH_3$) at the benzne ring, and much less enhanced by the addition of electron-withdrawing substituents (e.g., -COOH, -CHO). The presence of HA showed that removal efficiencies of 1-ID in the birnessite-phenolic mediator systems decreased with increasing HA concentrations. However at low concentration of HA (< 2 mg/L), it caused some enhancement in the removals of 1-ID as compared to the control.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.16-37
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• 2015

As a result of analyzing the forming and the transformations of Seokjojeon Hall garden by linking it to the changes of Deoksugung Palace influenced by the social atmosphere, the Seokjojeon garden can be classified into four phases. The first phase starts from 1896 to 1914. Gyeongungung was built in the late 19th century(1896-1897) as an official palace and Junghwajeon Hall and Seokjojeon Hall was built for Gojong. J.M.Brown was in charge of the construction of Seokjojeon in the beginning but H.W.Davidson saw the end also set up the garden. In the process of forming the garden the incorporating of Dondeokjeon Hall and the demolishing of the west wing corridors of Junghwajeon Hall occurred. At this phase of the garden a statue of an eagle was put up in the garden but was soon taken down. The shape of the garden was quiet simple with a central axial pathway, a round assorted flower bed placed in front of Seokjojeon Hall. The second phase starts from 1915 to 1932 which lasted for 17 years. At the last years of the Great Han Empire the duties of Gungnaebu(宮內府) was transferred to Leewangjik(李王職) in 1911 and a research on the existing buildings was done by Jujeonkwa(主殿課) in 1915. According to the research drawings, the garden still maintained the axial pathway formed in the previous phase but the garden had an asymmetric form. The flower bed was formed in a round shape and an open-knot technique and boundary plantation was applied to the garden. The third phase starts from 1933 to 1937 and is the period when Seokjojeon Hall was made public. By the year of 1932 many buildings of Deoksugung Palace had been demolished in the preparation of the opening of Seokjojeon Hall as a permanent exhibition hall. The central axial pathway still remained in the new garden and added a pond with a turtle statue in the center. The fourth phase starts from 1938 until the liberation from Japan and is the period when Deoksugung Palace became a park. Yi Royal-Family Museum was built and linked to Seokjojeon Hall with a bridge and the garden transformed into a sunken garden. The garden adopted a fountain and a pagora. Despite the minor changes in the after years the garden still posses most of its form from the fourth phase. As we can see the current garden of Seokjojeon Hall is not the same as the initial garden and therefor the importance of this study lies in the fact that modifications to the statements regarding to Seokjojeon Hall garden should be made.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem 'Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)', 'the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga', and 'the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era', only the 'Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)' changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for 'Landscape Setting There($L_{ST}$)' according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region's representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later 'Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)' and 'Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)' were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including "Paehyangsipyeong (沛鄕十詠)", "Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)", and "Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)", the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region's representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the 'Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)', and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.64-71
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• 2012

This is a basic study for recovering original form of Nongsanbyeoleop(農山別業) in Gangjin, Jeonnam, created in the latter part of Joseon period and the estimation of originla form at the time of creation was conducted by analyzing related literature and inspecting the actual site. "Joseokruki(朝夕樓記)" of Dasan Jung, Yak Yong could estimate spatial structure and using form of Nongsanbyeoleop and the arrangement of spatial structure in literature could be confirm by on-the-site inspection. The results of this study are as follows. The first, Nongsanbyeoleop managed spatial factors applying natural topography. For the spatial characteristics of Nongsanbyeoleop, the location of ancestral ritual space including deceased father's tomb and tomb house far from the main levee of Yun, Kwang Taek, a father of Yun, Seo Yu by 1.9km and housekeeping could be confirmed. The second, spatial estimation by "Joseokruki" could be possible. "Joseokruki" describes Joseokru.Youngmojae.Hanokkwan.Cheokyunjung.Sangam as construction factors, Wundang.Kookdan.Nokwunoh. as plant factors, Sookyunggan.Keumkoji.Nokeumjung.Uijanghae as hydroponic factors and Pyoeunkok.Aengjakang as natural topography factors. However, most of them were disappeared and at present, only Youngmojae, Keumgoji, Kukdan and Wundang show the past trace. The third is for the changed space of Nongsanbyeoleop and its reason. The surrounding space of Nongsanbyeoleop was planated by land arrangement in 1960s and it played a role of topographical damage because it's recognized as the plane factor including Nongsanbyeoleop's surrounding landscape rather than dotted factor. The forth, the actual measurement of Nongsanbyeoleop and digitalization of manual map of numerical value are judged to be sufficient to apply as the basic material for recovering garden in the future. Because of the diatahce changing method applied at that time, the garden recovery of Nongsanbyeoleop intended to be concreted and 3D model established by digitalized basic materials is considered to apply for multilateral studying. Thus, Nongsanbyeoleop which is byeolseo including the tomb of deceased father based on the conceptual hyo thought shows clear differences from the organized factors of Byolseowonrim of precedent studies and the importance of Byolseowonrim is sufficient. But, the constructional factors which cannot know disappeared spatial factors and accurate location became the limitation of this study. In the future, clear verification of original form must be progressed by excavation which can confirm the location of construction factors.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.72-89
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• 2012

This study aimed to reconsider the theory that the renowned Amisan(峨眉山) terraced garden at north of Gyotaejeon(交泰殿) was artificially made, by reviewing the historical records and drawings. It has been widely accepted that Amisan was made of the digged soil from Gyeonghoeji(慶會池). But several arguments about artificial mountain theory of Amisan that completely not be found in historical records have been raised in this study. The results were summarized as follows; the inherent contradiction in existing opinion, the discordance between the time of building Gyeonghoeji and Gyotaejeon, the existence of the mountain range which connect Baekaksan and Amisan appeared in Dohyeong(圖形), historical documents written in the years of kingdoms of Youngjo(英祖) and Gojong(高宗), a high position seen from Heungbogjeon(興復殿) in the north Amisan through the wall in the east but impassable, an opinion about realization Amisan as geomantic term of Amisa(蛾眉砂) at the time of Gyeongbok Palace reconstruction, and preservation of the mountain range in Gyeongbok Palace that comes from the result of the arguments in main mountain of Gyeongbok Palace in the year of Sejong(世宗). In addition, it was investigated why the slop in the north of Gyotaejeon was named as Aminsan and why the artificial mountain theory is appeared and made a conclusion that the Amisan comes from the change of the pronunciation of the geomantic term "Amisa", and modeling the yijing[意景] of Amisan which is a sacred place of Taoism and Buddhism in Sichuan[四川] of Chinaand the view of construction to mean defeating a spirit of smallpox which had to be cured. And it seems to be a result which retroactively applied the artificial mountain theory of Amisanis the technique of 'constructing mountain with digged pond dirt' to the relationship between Gyeonghoeji and Amisan. The greater part of mountain range which was connecting with Baekaksan and Amisan was seriously disconnected with large scale of exposition by the Japanese colonial period in 1915. But low slope is kept about 70 meters along the trail northeast of Gyotaejeon. Accordingly, it is judged that the range has not been entirely destroyed. And according to the result of elevation analysis, discontinuous slope form certain axis is found, so the mountain range of Amisan is approximately estimated. This basic research about the mountain range of Amisan might provide a critical clue about restoration of topography in Gyeongbok Palace.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the values and meanings of the letters carved on the rocks all over Mt. Sangdu located at the boundary between Kimje-si and Jeongeup-si of Jeollabuk-do by grasping the current state of them, investigating the patterns and contents of them, and understanding the spatial and landscape properties of the region where the rocks are scattered. The results of this study are as follows; The name of Mt. Sangdu came from the mountain with the same name located in India where Buddha were seeking the truth, and means auspicious. With the recognition of ancient maps and books, various propitious spots also made the landscape symbols of Mt. Sangdu solidify. Whoam, Chaangsuk-Kim, Weolgye Young-Cho Song and the members of Cheonggye Society like Dongcho Seok-Gon Kim led the creation of the rocks, and the 41 letter-carved rocks all over four water systems were found out and all of them were carved with Chinese characters. The letters were usually carved on flat and broad rocks, and they mainly had the shape of a small waterfall and a wide waterfall of under 1 meter height. 25(60.9%) of the carved letters were about moral training, and it seemed that they wanted to protect their pride under the shackle of the Japanese colonization over Korea. The styles of handwriting are Hangseo and Jeonseo except for names, and show various and complex styles. The mix composition of the carved letters of 'Yusubulbu(流水不腐)' of Choseo and the rocks of Takjok(濯足) is extraordinary, and the letters carved as the shape of Nakkwan(落款) have artistic value and degree of finishing. It seemed that intellectuals during the Japanese colonization over Korea in the 1930s considered Mt. Sangduasa highly valuable region because they expressed their hope and wish for the new world on the rocks. The letters on the rocks of Mt. Sangdu are invaluable cultural landscaping elements for the improvement of landscaping symbolism of Mt. Sangdu because of colliding values and spirits of the time of 'the anguish and pain of intellectuals' and 'the status of living joyfully outside of the mundane world.'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.142-154
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the characteristics of place identity of the Buan county hall garden and Sangsosan(上蘇山) by looking over the pattern and content of letter-engraved rocks and nearby facilities and history. Especially, we focused on the meaning and contents of the letters in Sangsosan and a Government Office of Buan engraved on rocks in order to learn what the place means. The results of our study are as follows. Buan-hyun(扶安縣) in the Joseon dynasty period blossomed literary culture of enjoying poetry and melody, and this was faithful realization of the concept of "Rakto(樂土)" of 'Saengubuan(生居扶安).' The grand scale letters written by Si-SooPark(朴蓍壽: 1767~1876), head of the office in the early 19th century, in the cursive style on the basis stone of the garden of Buan county building, which was the site of the office of Buan-hyun in the Joseon dynasty period, such as 'Bongraedongcheon(蓬萊洞天)', 'Jurim(珠林)', and 'Okcheon(玉泉)' mean that "'Bongrae', the another name of Buan', is a place where Taoist hermits would live because the spring water of Seorim flows down to be Okcheon.", showing his pride of living Buan. The regions like Seorimjeong, Geumdae(琴臺), and Hyecheon(惠泉) where letters engraved on rocks are located intensively are closely related with those who communicated with Mae-ChangLee(李梅窓: 1573~1610), the slave of the government, and are local attractions and garden traces where the literary culture and scholar's spirit of Buan are well-harmonized. Most of the letters were written from the 19th century to the early 20th century, showing that 4 for landscapes, 8 for Kyungseck(景色: imaginary scenry), 5 for figures, 15 for poems and 2 for others. The ratio of poems is much higher than that of poems in other regions' letters on rocks, and the keyword of the letters is Haecheon. A piece of the place identity heavily influenced by the Taois thermit ideology is revealed by the expressions of 'Bongraedongcheon', 'Sosansaho(蘇山四皓)' or 'the spring water of Haecheon' that was considered as an elixir of Taoist hermits. Seorim the forest, which had been managed after Yeon-Myeong Cho(趙然明: 1797~?), head of the office, planted trees in the 11th year of the reign of King Heonjong(1845), Seorimjeong in the forest, and rocks with engraved letters on them are proof of literary culture and the garden traces showing the characteristics and aspect of Imcheon(林泉) Garden of the office heavily influenced by the Taoist hermit ideology. Along with Naebyeon-san national park and Kyeokpo region, the center of Buan tourism, we hope that cultural heritages including rocks with engraved letters over Seorim park would become a representative cultural heritage and attraction of Buan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.130-141
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• 2012

This study examines the characteristics of landscape elements and the reappearance techniques of traditional landscape image in Chinatown of the Shanghai Street in Busan, Korea. The subjects of the study are commercial buildings owned by Chinese residents, commercial buildings' naming design and environmental sculptures in the Shanghai Street. The results are as follows: First, the design methods of the front side of commercial buildings were classified into two parts: facede design of buildings and signboard design. The design form of the buildings' facades were classified into five types, there are: emphasis type on Chinese characters' signboard, addition type on decorative signboard, introduction type of traditional patterns, imitation type of traditional architectures and modern architectures' modes. The signs of chinese commercial buildings were observed mostly as having a traditional Chinese font in yellow/white on a red background. It has been found that this style was the most popular method of sign design. Secondly, The commercial buildings' naming design was analyzed into design methods and meanings. Design methods were classified into three types: a combination of meaning and place, a combination of season and atmosphere and tourist attractions. The meaning of the commercial buildings' names was divided into three kinds: the wishes of the prosperity, elegant type and the appropriation of local attractions. Thirdly, the environmental sculptures of Shanghai Street were found to have been influenced by both through out Chinese culture with mixed Korean culture. Finally, as for characteristics of landscape elements, we found three reappearance techniques - addition, replacement, juxtaposition. The technique of addition is added new face to the base map by just two methods - extending and overlapping area. Replacement is created new faces from base map by the action of replacing, it has three types - local replacement, package replacement, successive replacement. Juxtaposition is the fact of two or more things placed together with contrasting effect, it also has three types - the same kind juxtaposition, a different kind juxtaposition, topological juxtaposition. This study is the basic research which is analyzing the landscape design in chinatown. But the research only on Shanghai Street may have some limits in scope. It is considered an necessary study to add, which is about chinatown in other city such as Incheon, Jeonju. Then it is expected that the results of this study can be used for the basic data of the landscape plans, that municipalities are actively progressing their respective development projects of Chinatown.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.15-25
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to investigate the value of rock Korean chessboards as a corroborative evidence that go, the play culture naturalized from the past, was also performed under the pavilion of the mountain stream, and the old tree. This study executes analysis on the location and form of rock Korean chessboards, physical environment such as the position of surrounding space, the origin of the nomination, surrounding landscape, and historical significance through the research analysis of comprehensive present conditions, and highlights the position types, landscape significance, and preservation value of the rock Korean chessboards of Korea from diverse angles. The result is as follows. 1. The styles of Korean chess (將棋), which identically propagated in the representative countries of Eastern culture, Korea, China, and Japan, and modified in accordance with each country's idea and native tendency, were organized, and confirmed the Korean Go as a naturalized native culture. 2. Out of 15 rock Korean chessboards confirmed through this study, 9 (60%) were categorized as rock Korean chessboards, and 6 (40%) were categorized as stone Korean chessboards. Also, the average size of the go boards were $51cm{\times}46.6cm$, which demonstrated not much difference with present day universal go boards. The Pearson correlation coefficient between bed rock and go boards were 0.647, demonstrating a relatively high correlation; the research subject of rock go boards have been constructed in consideration of rationality, convenience, and the value of promotion of public welfare. 3. The results of analysis of location patterns of rock Korean chessboard showed that villages (87%), mooring (73%), plains (60%) and mountains (47%). The most frequent location pattern is mooring and village, and these two factors played the most important role in determining the location of the rock Korean chessboard.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.58-68
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• 2017

The conclusion of this research after analyzing and interpreting the landscape structure and meaning of Yeongsajeongpalkyung (永思亭八景) that appears in Yeongsajeongpalyeongsi(永思亭八詠詩) of Cheonggye(靑溪) Yang, Dae-bak(梁大樸, 1544~1592) and through document studies, poetry and painting analysis and interpretation, and site investigation, is as follows. Yeongsajeong and its nearby lands are the area of "Yeongsa", where the builder, Ahn, Jeon(安?, 1518~1571) worshipped towards the grave of ancestors, and Yeongsajeongpalkyung oversees a family burial ground in Namwon, centering around Yeongsajeong such as Yocheon, Geumseokgyo and Cheonggyedong, and Sunjagang River and Mountain Jiri, which are the foot hold and key points of advantageous scenic views in Namwon. Yeongsajeongpalkyung, unlike general Jeongjapalkyung, shows a panoramic bird's-eye structure overseeing the landscape and scenery of the Yocheon area and Sunjagang River, in addition to Yeongsajeong, while show in a transition of location, a multi-view structure and time. The trace of visual unity with Sosangpalkyung of China can be seen in many places in Yeongsajeongpalkyung, which seems to be a transitional feature of composing poems regarding Palgyeong during the mid-Joseon dynasty, which pursues harmony with the local landscape of the Namwon area. The 'Changsongchwijuk(蒼松翠竹)' appearing in each of the first and second scenic views of Palgyeong and Yeongsajeongpalyeong can be understood as an incarnation of Yang, Dae-bak, the author of Palyeongsi or Ahn, Jeon, the builder of Yeongsajeong. On the other hand, as a result of interpreting the yin-yang features of poetic diction and picture elements appearing in the subtitle of Yeongsajeongpalyeong, Palyeongsi seems mostly full of yin-like elements and Palgyeongdo. Moreover, as a result of comparing and analyzing the acts expressed in and acts described in Yeongsajeongpalyeong, based on the fact that the reis almost no common ground between the two media except for Soongangmowoo, the third scenic view, the formal similarity between the two media can be acknowledged, however, it is difficult to discover any substantive 'integrity of poetry and painting'.