• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.102-118
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• 2022

Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, is the very essence of the culture and technology of the thousand-year-reign of Silla. However, few studies have been conducted on the landscape sites of the capital of Silla other than Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, due to the lack of related data. Therefore, this study examined the construction characteristics and nature of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, whose complete appearance was identified through excavation following Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond. Since the excavation of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, Gyeongju, there have been disagreements in academia as to whether it is a palace pond or a temple pond of Bunhwangsa Temple. Considering the unique characteristic of the garden pond that it is divided into two periods, it was interpreted that it would have functioned as a ritual facility related to Ryong (oriental dragon) belief in the 6th to 7th centuries, the first period, and as a garden pond with enhanced landscaping functions in the 8th to 9th centuries, the second period. In addition, it is highly probable that it was the site of Cheongyeongung Palace (青淵宮) and Jochujeong Pavilion (造秋亭) mentioned in the literature records. The "ㄹ"- shaped waterway, a characteristic facility of the first period, was found; however, considering its width and depth, it is insufficient to conclude that it was a simple drainage facility. Rather, it is more likely that it functioned as a passageway for the conceptual entry of Ryong during Ryong rituals. Furthermore, some have suggested that it may have been a ceremony-related Yusang-goksu (流觴曲水) facility. These facilities related to Ryong rituals were reorganized in the second period. Specifically, the nature of the garden pond was changed centered on the landscaping function in connection with the addition of a curved revetment, garden stone, and pavilion buildings, and the dismantlement of the "ㄹ"-shaped waterway and hexagonal building. As for nature, it can be regarded as a royal facility in terms of decorative elements including the ritual function of the first period and the gwimyeonwa (ghost face tiles) of the second period. Judging from the fact that the upper part of the embankment adjacent to the west side of the site was removed, it is very apparent that the main building was located on the upper part of the embankment. There would not have been a large-scale building site because it served the functions of ritual and recreation, rather than being the residence of the king.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.457-473
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• 2023

Asbestos has been produced, imported and used in various industries in Korea over the past decades. Since asbestos causes fatal diseases such as malignant mesothelioma and lung cancer, the use of asbestos has been generally banned in Korea since 2009. However, there are still many asbestos-containing materials around us, and safe management is urgently needed. This study aims to examine asbestos-related trend changes using major asbestos-related keywords based on the asbestos trend analysis using big data for the past 32 years (1991 to 2022) in Korea. In addition, we reviewed both domestic trends related to the production, import, and use of asbestos before 1990 and asbestos-related policies from 2023 to 2027. From 1991 to 2000, main keywords related to asbestos were research, workers, carcinogens, and the environment because the carcinogenicity of asbestos was highlighted due to domestic production, import, and use of asbestos. From 2001 to 2010, the main keywords related to asbestos were lung cancer, litigation, carcinogens, exposure, and companies because lawsuits were initiated in the US and Japan in relation to carcinogenicity due to asbestos. From 2011 to 2020, the high ranking keywords related to asbestos were carcinogen, baseball field, school, slate, building, and abandoned asbestos mine due to the seriousness of the asbestos problem in Korea. From 2021 to present (2023), the main search keywords related to asbestos such as school, slate (asbestos cement), buildings, landscape stone, environmental impact assessment, apartment, and cement appeared.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.97-106
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• 2016

This study is to suggest the necessity of landscaping alternatives for succession of Takjok(濯足) culture by considering the background and meaning of Takjok's cultural phenomenon shown in old literatures, paintings and ruins of landscape architecture as a front morphemes. Its result is as follows. 1. An old idiom, 'Takyung Takjok(濯纓濯足)' implying a disinterested living attitude from the mundane world and an attitude complying with the nature, has been sublimated to 'Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊)' which means living in comfortable retirement through life in seclusion(隱逸). 2. The meaning of Takjok did not expand into, not only Takyung Takjok, but also into Takcheong(濯淸), Tako(濯吾), and Taksa(濯斯) with continued expansion in its meaning. The spaces the meaning of Takyung Takjok is implied on have also newly expanded into the artificial spaces, including Jeong(亭-pavilion) Jae(齋-house) Heon(軒-eaves), and Ji(池-pond), as well as the natural spaces, including Am(巖-rock) Dae(臺-flat foundation) Dam(潭-deep pond) Ban(盤-dish rock) Seok(石-stone) So(沼-shallow pond) San(山-mountain) Bong(峰-peak), and Cheon(泉-water hole). 3. As seen here, the cultural phenomenon of Takyung Takjok, which have derived from the Dangho(堂號) of buildings, the names of natural objects in Palgyung and Gugok(eight sceneries and nine curves), facilities of Byeolseo garden and Seowon, and the Amgakseo in nature, is worth noting. 4. It should be considered that Takjok includes ordinary people's wisdom to resist the hot weather as well as classical scholar's ideal and the veneration of antiquity. From this perspective, water space, Takjok rocks, and use of water based on the environmental supportability should be newly focused as a recreational space and it reminds us that the spirit of Takjok is a classical mental healing method.

• The Journal of The Korea Institute of Intelligent Transport Systems
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• v.10 no.6
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• pp.74-83
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• 2011

The high-pass transportation information system directly collects section information by using probe cars and therefore can offer more reliable information to drivers. However, because the running condition and features of probe cars and statistical processing methods affect the reliability of the information and particularly because the section travel time is greatly influenced by whether there has been delay by signals on urban roads or not, there can be much deviation among the collected individual probe data. Accordingly, researches in multilateral directions are necessary in order to enhance the credibility of the section information. Yet, the precedent studies related to high-pass information provision have been conducted on the highway sections with the feature of continuous flow, which has a limit to be applied to the urban roads with the transportational feature of an interrupted flow. Therefore, this research aims at analyzing the features of high-pass transportation data on urban roads and finding a proper processing method. When the characteristics of the high-pass data on urban roads collected from RSE were analyzed by using a time-space diagram, the collected data was proved to have a certain pattern according to the arriving cars' waiting for signals with the period of the signaling cycle of the finish node. Moreover, the number of waiting for signals and the time of waiting caused the deviation in the collected data, and it was bigger in traffic jam. The analysis result showed that it was because the increased number of waiting for signals in traffic jam caused the deviation to be offset partially. The analysis result shows that it is appropriate to use the mean of this collected data of high-pass on urban roads as its representative value to reflect the transportational features by waiting for signals, and the standard of judgment of delay and congestion needs to be changed depending on the features of signals and roads. The results of this research are expected to be the foundation stone to improve the reliability of high-pass information on urban roads.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.37-52
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• 2015

The recent global trends display expansion and growing solidity in both cooperative collaboration between industry, education, and research and R&D network systems. A greater support for the network and cooperative research sector would open greater possibilities for the evolution of new scholar and industrial fields and the development of new theories evoked from synergized educational research. Similarly, the national need for a strategy that can most efficiently and effectively support R&D network that are established through the government's R&D project research is on the rise. Despite the growing urgency, due to the habitual dependency on simple individual personal information data regarding R&D industry participants and generalized statistical data references, the policies concerning network system are disappointing and inadequate. Accordingly, analyses of the relationships involved for each subject who is participating in the R&D industry was conducted and on the foundation of an educational-industrial-research network system, possible changes within and of the network that may arise were predicted. To predict the R&D network transitions, Common Neighbor and Jaccard's Coefficient models were designated as the basic foundational models, upon which a new prediction model was proposed to address the limitations of the two aforementioned former models and to increase the accuracy of Link Prediction, with which a comparative analysis was made between the two models. Through the effective predictions regarding R&D network changes and transitions, such study result serves as a stepping-stone for an establishment of a prospective strategy that supports a desirable educational-industrial-research network and proposes a measure to promote the national policy to one that can effectively and efficiently sponsor integrated R&D industries. Though both weighted applications of Common Neighbor and Jaccard's Coefficient models provided positive outcomes, improved accuracy was comparatively more prevalent in the weighted Common Neighbor. An un-weighted Common Neighbor model predicted 650 out of 4,136 whereas a weighted Common Neighbor model predicted 50 more results at a total of 700 predictions. While the Jaccard's model demonstrated slight performance improvements in numeric terms, the differences were found to be insignificant.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• Explosives and Blasting
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-13
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• 1991

The cautious blasting works had been used with emulsion explosion electric M/S delay caps. Drill depth was from 3m to 6m with Crawler Drill ${\phi}70mm$ on the calcalious sand stone (soft -modelate -semi hard Rock). The total numbers of test blast were 88. Scale distance were induced 15.52-60.32. It was applied to propagation Law in blasting vibration as follows. Propagtion Law in Blasting Vibration $V=K(\frac{D}{W^b})^n$ were V : Peak partical velocity(cm/sec) D : Distance between explosion and recording sites(m) W : Maximum charge per delay-period of eight milliseconds or more (kg) K : Ground transmission constant, empirically determind on the Rocks, Explosive and drilling pattern ets. b : Charge exponents n : Reduced exponents where the quantity $\frac{D}{W^b}$ is known as the scale distance. Above equation is worked by the U.S Bureau of Mines to determine peak particle velocity. The propagation Law can be catagorized in three groups. Cubic root Scaling charge per delay Square root Scaling of charge per delay Site-specific Scaling of charge Per delay Plots of peak particle velocity versus distoance were made on log-log coordinates. The data are grouped by test and P.P.V. The linear grouping of the data permits their representation by an equation of the form ; $V=K(\frac{D}{W^{\frac{1}{3}})^{-n}$ The value of K(41 or 124) and n(1.41 or 1.66) were determined for each set of data by the method of least squores. Statistical tests showed that a common slope, n, could be used for all data of a given components. Charge and reduction exponents carried out by multiple regressional analysis. It's divided into under loom over loom distance because the frequency is verified by the distance from blast site. Empirical equation of cautious blasting vibration is as follows. Over 30m ------- under l00m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}41(D/sqrt[2]{W})^{-1.41}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}A$ Over 100m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}121(D/sqrt[3]{W})^{-1.66}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}B$ where ; V is peak particle velocity In cm / sec D is distance in m and W, maximLlm charge weight per day in kg K value on the above equation has to be more specified for further understaring about the effect of explosives, Rock strength. And Drilling pattern on the vibration levels, it is necessary to carry out more tests.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.71-82
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• 2005

Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.