• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.315-319
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• 2019

The paper aims to investigate empirical causes of poverty of the Khmer ethnic people and suggest policy implication to help the Khmer ethnic people escape poverty in Tra Vinh province and the Mekong Delta. The study has been conducted with direct interviews with 300 Khmer households living in seven districts and cities in Tra Vinh province and with the use of multivariate regression. The research results show that a number of causes that affect poverty of poor households include lack of capital for production, lack of means of production, poor health and lack of labor, large families, lack of job opportunities or unemployment, and lack of willingness to escape poverty and education. Thus, there should be poverty reduction policy for the poor househlods in the coming time. Based on the current situation and regression results, the authors propose a number of recommendations: 1) Focus on preferential loan policies for poor people 2) Provide occupational training programs for improving incomes for the Khmer ethnic households 3) Build up special infrastructure in the Khmer ethnic areas 4) Focus on promoting cultural and belief institutions in areas of the Khmer ethnic people and 5) Improve and build up healthcare clinics services and facilities.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.21
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• pp.427-436
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• 2015

Ethnic tourism is utilized by many countries to improve the economic status. Ethnic tourism in Xishuangbanna started from the 1980s and grew rapidly during the past 2 decades. Although many researchers had stressed economic and socio-cultural impacts of ethnic tourism on ethnic minority people, little was done to identify their subjectivities. This research revealed the social and economic benefits from ethnic tourism, representing the identity of ethnic minority people. This research investigated the ethnic groups' subjectivities toward ethnic tourism and identity in Xishuangbanna, Yunnan, China, using the Q-methodology. It was found that the community residents did not get much benefits regardless of the social welfare that ethnic tourism had brought about. Finally, this research also made several implications with regard to tourism management.

• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.33
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• pp.23-49
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• 2012

In this paper, I examined the history of Baizu that the Brief History presented. PRC created Baizu as one the 55 ethnic minority nations, as it "nationalized" all the people living within its territorial boundary. And it constructed the narrative of the "ethnic history" of Baizu, while it constructed the grand narrative of the history of the unified, multinational "zhonghua minzu." There are two major problems in the historical narrative of Baizu, thus constructed. First, the genealogy of the ancestors of Baizu constructed by PRC lacks sufficient historical evidence to prove it. Second, the politically-driven ethnic classification project by PRC produced ethnic minority nation, which does not have their own territory and Baizu was one of them. Because of this, the history of Baizu, who historically lived mixed with other ethnic groups together in Yunnan, cannot help but becoming a part of the larger Yunnan history, rather than constituting a history of an ethnic group. Then, what would be a historically sensible way to write a history of ethnic minorities in Yunnan, who have not transformed themselves into a modern nation? What I would like to suggest is, first, to abandon the construction of the history of Baizu as an ethnic group. I also suggest to distinguish Yunnan from China (zhongguo) as a unit of historical writing, and thus to cut the relationship between the Baizu history and the larger history of the unified, multitethnic "zhonghua minzu." The narrative of the Chinese history (history of Zhongguo), which takes the PRC's current territorial boundary as the unit of historical narrative, lacks historical objectivity. Names for historical communities survive, because they have been used by those who have lived in the communities as well as by other historical communities. Members of a certain historical community occupy distinctive historical space and share common historical experience. And their historical experience is mainly informed by political changes that affected the space that the historical community occupies. If one constructs the history of "Yunnan" as a distinctive historical space and community, which could be distinguished from the historical "China" (zhongguo), one may be able to construct the history of the people of Yunnan in its fullest sense.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.4
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• pp.113-125
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• 2010

This study is purpose to trace a genealogy of Rainbow stripe in 30 ethnic costumes in East Asia. And with through comparative views between Korean and the other minority that is shown a bilateral relation of rainbow stripe in their costume, we make sure the unique character of rainbow stripe in Korean traditional costume. The stripe in the costumes was generally used on sleeves with 3~6 patches. There were 10 types of methods for making the stripe including sewing. Weaving and sewing with trimming was also frequently used either and the stripe by weaving with multicolored yarns were mostly found in the southern region of china. Black, blue and red were frequently used in the costume as a main color that was contrasted with rainbow stripe and especially, black was mostly used. Korean preferred bright colors as a main color. Contents of the genealogy of the multicolored stripe in ethnic costume in East Asia are followed. The 28 ethnic groups who used the stripe in their dress except Korean, the Mans, Mongo people and Tibetan were located in the southern region of East Asia. And the other ethnic groups distributed in the northwest and northeast region of East Asia. The distribution of the rainbow stripe in the costume could be grouped into two sections: the southern region people and Korean-the Mongol people-the Tus- the Zangs group. And the latter group was shown strong relation with the culture of Korean's rainbow stripe costume. 11 ethnic peoples including Korean, the Vis, the Miaos, the Tus, the Mongol people, the Chaoxians, the Zangs, the Lahus, the Jinuos, the Hanis, the Luobas and the Dulongs, were saliently used the stripe in their costume. The stripe in Japanese costume was judged that was not a kind of the rainbow stripe was shown the other ethnic groups, was a color arrangement by layered dress or geometrical pattern. From above, we could recap a particular characteristic of the rainbow stripe in Korean traditional costume. Many colors were used in the stripe and bodies than the other ethnic people and the color was bright. In many cases, a color of patch at the point of armhole was red and Black color was not used in the stripe. The width of patch was a relatively narrow and regular. It has shown that the rainbow stripe in Korean traditional costume was organized independently.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.124-136
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• 2015

Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region is the area with the most Muslim populations in China and the costume of this ethnic minority group was influenced from its surrounding environment and religion. Headgear is one of the important costume elements of Muslim ethnic minority such as Kazakh, Kirghiz, Uzbek, and Tadzhik people, and each group has developed narious forms of it. Especially, we can notice characteristics of headgear in Xinjiang Uygur and four ethnic minority groups through women's headgear pursuant to motive of wear, classification of type, differences and comparability with other areas. Thus, purpose of this study is to investigate women's headgear of Muslim ethnic minority in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Based on local data at the Xinjiang Uygur Museum, the study referred to Chinese ethnic minority costume and literature data as well as advanced researches related to Islam, and analyzed characteristics of women's headgear of four ethnic groups in connection with Muslim formation background in Xinjiang Uygur. Women's headgear of Muslim ethnic minority in Xinjiang Uygur can be largely divided into three types; cylindrical, conical and hood type. Headgear was influenced not only by natural environment and weather for protection of body, but also by Islam. Along with strong desire for decoration and expression of racial features, it was used as a means of race discrimination and representation of identity. The religion of Islam within these four ethnic groups grew in accordance with tradition of existing nomadic tribes and regional characteristics, and women's headgear developed in various ways added with religious precepts and nomadic features. Taking everything into consideration, it is found that women's headgear of Kazakh, Kirghiz, Uzbek, and Tadzhik people developed, adopting their own living style and features of minority races instead of remaining identical to the headgear type of Muslim countries in other area.

• International Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.95-107
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• 2007

The present study examined generational differences in ethnicity maintenance among Korean-Chinese to understand the impact of recent social change on a Korean-Chinese ethnic community in China. A total of 1355 Korean-Chinese (557 parents and 798 children), who live in Shenyang, China, participated in this study. The subjects were asked about their language use during daily conversations and cultural activities. They were also asked about their ethnic identity and perceptions of social distance from Chinese people. The results reveal that the Korean-Chinese parent generation is more likely to maintain its ethnic language, while the child generation is more likely to maintain its ethnic culture. Second, more parents than children considered themselves as 'Korean-Chinese' rather than 'Chinese'. Third, members of the child generation show less social distance from Chinese people than do the parent generation. These results show a strong tendency towards ethnicity maintenance among Korean Chinese as well as recent changes in the community. This study argues for the importance of school education and school environment in maintaining the ethnic language and culture of Korean-Chinese children.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.481-493
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• 2005

Reason for contemporary ethnic-look's remarkable world popularity is viewed as due to counteraction of disordered world conditions such as war, terror, and economic depression. These conditions led people to desire the returning to primitive human society where freedom and peace are preserved. The background of ethnic look emergence is influences of post-modernism, eastern and western culture hybrid, and ecology. This study will mainly focus on the analysis of present ethnic fashion trend and, with following to this, their images will be analyzed and categorized. The result of ethnic trend, especially that of Asian's and African's, from 2000 to 2005 is like this: representative Asian ethnic fashion tendency is focusing on Japanese and Chinese. In Japanese style, oversized silhouette was derived by Kimono and wide belt was appeared by influence of Kimono's Obi. Chinese ethic style are analyzed as adapting feministic silhouette and details from Chinese traditional clothes, Chipao. Additionally, in some of the Chinese ethnic-look, there are mixtures with Japanese, North American, and African's images. Mixing with pop images and ancient ones are also emerged. In the African ethnic look, people used colorful cloth and new materials which is considered as integration of primitives and modern science. From the study, it is possible to conclude that current modern ethnic fashion can be defined as blends with one country's image to the other, mixture with new technology, and acceptance to the multi-national folk fashion. These trends are widely revealed and extended in the world fashion. In the following result of the analysis, there were four outstanding images lying underneath in the present ethnic-look. That is eclectic, traditional, natural, and mysterious images.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.7-20
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• 2023

The compositions of ethnic groups in Macau vary with time. Prior to the opening of the port, the majority of the residents in Macau were Chinese people, including those living on land and at sea. After the port was opened, with the increase of Portugal businessmen and missionaries, the population was divided into Chinese people and foreigners (so-called 'Yiren' or 夷人 in Chinese). Chinese people living on land were mainly of Hakka, Fujian, and Cantonese descent. Those living at sea were referred to as 'Tanka People' (named 'Danmin' or 蜑民in Chinese). They lived on floating boats for their entire lives and were similar to the 'drifters' in Japan. Since modern times, many refugees from mainland China and Southeast Asia flooded into Macau due to warfare. The development of industrialization required a larger number of laborers, and some 'coolies' entered Macau in legal or illegal ways, making it a multi-ethnic city. However, the Tanka people were not considered a minority ethnic group under the national ethnic policy of 56 ethnic groups since they did not have an exclusive language and shared dialects in different regions. As the ports inhabited by Tanka people gradually restored foreign trade, the boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people were dismantled to expand the infrastructure area of the ports. Many Tanka people began to live on land and marry people on land, leading to the disappearance of the Tanka group in Macau. The fishing boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people have also disappeared, with only a few remaining in areas such as Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. This paper examines the natural and social environment of Tanka people in Macau from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, as well as the adaptive changes they adopted for the aforementioned environment in terms of living space and architectural type, on the basis of summarizing the historical activities of Tanka people. Finally, this study provides a layout plan and interior structure of the most commonly used boat for Tanka people from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, with the use of CAD and other technical software, along with reference to written historical documentation, and provides a case study for further research on the architectural history of Macau's inner harbor cities, from anthropological and folklore perspectives.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.29-51
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• 2010

The diversity of Southeast Asia can be also represented at the tremendous number of ethnic groups residing throughout its various regions even beyond national boundaries. What does it mean by the composite of numerous peoples? It has triggered a lot of problems in a nation or overall Southeast Asia. Among them, the most serious one seems to be ethnic conflicts having damaged national integration and caused political, economical, and social instability. In that respect, Karen people have been a minority group situated in the most chronic dispute in Myanmar. Since 1947 some of the Karen equipped with armed forces have been fighting against the military government currently ruling Myanmar. As the result, the refugees over 200,000 population had moved to the mountain camps located at neighboring Thailand, attracting a lot of attention throughout international societies. According to 1931 census by British colonial government, the Karen have the greatest numbers in population as minority and include 16 subgroups including Karenni(Kayah) and Pa-O seemingly excluded from its category in contemporary point of view. It means that Karen people should not be regarded as an ethnic group, and in fact do not show a homogeneous identity under the title of Karen. Given the situation, we need to reconsider the category of Karen. What does the Karen mean in a real sense? Previous studies on the Karen had been performed mainly by anthropologists or missionaries such as Marshall(1922), Hamilton (1976), Hanson Tadaw(1959), Smeaton(1920), Keyes(1979), Hayami (1992; 2004), etc. Most of them examined the Karen as a group and ignored the possibilities of representing the divergent identities vis-à-vis their subgroups. Therefore, they have focused on the myth to convert Karen people to Christianity, although the Christian Karens are less than 20% of total population. As a result, I argue that they would fail to define the real meaning of Karen. It has been caused us to recognize the Karen as a meaningless total entity to be accepted by all means. According to their arguments, the difference among Karen's subgroups is just dealt with the trivial matters that do not affect the ethnic boundary itself, still maintaining the ethnic identity as Karen. As we shall see on this thesis, this is never the case. My thesis aims at uncovering and scrutinizing the real meaning of the category of Karen. For the purpose of it, I will consider Karen people as a linguistic group from the beginning as shown in 1931 census. I argue that the Karen have been affected or exposed by various conditions or environments throughout the harsh history having happened on the areas of current Myanmar and Thailand, leading the vicissitudes of their ethnic identities.

• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.172-186
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• 2024

With the globalization of the film industry, ethnic minority films have been developed and studied by many scholars for their special ethnic representation. The film "Tharlo" directed by Pema Tseden carefully explores the identity anxiety of a Tibetan shepherd. Through the connection and separation between the protagonist and traditional culture, it shows a complexity of modern ethnic identity for minority people. This study explores what kind of cinematic techniques and symbolic elements the director uses to shape ordinary characters, build a narrative space, and show ethnic representation. This paper puts forward a theoretical framework combining cinematic quantitative methods with qualitative narrative and semiotic analysis, aiming to deepen our understanding of cinematic techniques and ethnic representation, and provides a new perspective and profound insights for discussing the complexity faced by ethnic minorities in contemporary films. This study finds that Tseden's "Tharlo" successfully portrays the complex transformation of Tibetan cultural identity in the context of globalization and modernization through cinematic techniques such as fixed camera positions, long take and black-and-white cinematography, combined with the use of symbolic elements like mirrors, lambs and identity cards.