• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.57-79
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• 2021

Drawing on the theories of mediated public diplomacy, intermedia agenda-building, and homophily, this study aims to compare the effectiveness of the public diplomacy efforts made by the Saudi and Qatari governments during the Gulf diplomatic crisis. The study examines the respective international agenda-building influence of the state-sponsored media from the two competing Gulf states on the regional and international media's coverage of the crisis. Results show that, compared to Saudisponsored Al Arabiya, Qatari-sponsored Al Jazeera was more effective in shaping the agendas of the regional and international media. Whereas Al Arabiya has a weak first-level agenda-building influence and a moderate-to-strong influence at the second and the third levels, Al Jazeera demonstrates a strong agenda-building influence on the foreign media outlets at all of the three levels. We also analyze the impact of political proximity and the language of the media content (English or Arabic) on the agenda-building relationships. Still, the results suggest that, compared to Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera was more successful in shaping the agendas of the regional and international news media-no matter where they are based in the allied or the opposing countries. Also, we observe a higher level of consistency between Arabic- and English-language content in Al Jazeera.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.107-133
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• 2009

에너지 자원 확보 경쟁은 21세기 국제관계의 핵심적 추세의 하나다. 중국 경제발전의 원동력은 성공적 자원외교의 성과라고 해도 과언이 아니다. 1990년대 이후 중국의 에너지 수입 외교는 두 가지 행위 패턴을 보여주고 있다. 중앙아시아에 대한 자원 외교가 공동개발을 중심으로 한 다자주의적 접근방식이라면, 아프리카 지역에 대해서는 국가별 경제지원을 통한 양자주의적 행위패턴이다. 이 글에서는 지역에 따라 다르게 전개되어 온 중국 자원외교의 특징을 지역적 안보 민감성, 지정학적 고려, 그리고 비동맹외교 이후 축적되어 왔던 중국의 외교적 유산 등의 세 가지 측면에서 설명하였다.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

In 2015, the State Council of South Korea finalized its goal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by "37% from the business-as-usual (BAU) level" by 2030 across all the economic sectors. Of that reduction, 4.5% will be achieved overseas by leveraging Emission Trading Systems (ETS) aided by international cooperation. In line with this, considering both the demand for and supply of the carbon market increased after the Paris agreement, the importance of public diplomacy in negotiating climate change actions also rose. This study aimed to analyze the impact of international discussions such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) on domestic policies and the types of public diplomatic climate change policies pursued by different government agencies, and draw implications from them. This study attempted to find implications from the Korean government's public diplomacy on climate change for developing countries. Lessons learned regarding Korea's public diplomacy would provide a practical guidance to the Asian developing countries, which are suffering from environmental crisis at a phase of rapid economic growth.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.94-111
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• 2018

This study examines Korea's international development volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative. Informed by a cultural perspective of transmission and relational models of public diplomacy, I examine the ways in which volunteer training incorporates cultural-learning into its program. The study finds that volunteer training is largely based on an instrumentalist approach to culture that places emphasis on learning the "explicit" side of culture, such as Korean traditional dance, art, and food as a strategy to promote the country's national image. In contrast, much less covered in the training program is a relational approach to culture-learning that is guided by a reflexive understanding of the "implicit" side of culture, or the values and beliefs that guide the worldviews and behavior of both volunteers and host constituents. Whereas the value of the volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative is in its potential to build relationships based on two-way engagement, its conception of culture is mostly guided by that of the transmission model of public diplomacy. Based on the findings, this study calls for an integrated approach to culture-learning in volunteer training program to move the citizen diplomacy initiative forward.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.234-263
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• 2020

This study aims to assess the quality of the EU's public diplomacy efforts through social media. Specifically, this research explores the headquarters of European public diplomacy (European External Action Service, EEAS) and its subordinate agent (EU Delegation to South Korea, EUDK). The main research question is "how coherently and effectively does the EU execute public diplomacy strategies in the third countries?'' This study employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches―the former for the results presentation and the latter for the results interpretation. The results are summarized in two points. First, both the EEAS and the EUDK maintained an objective position by posting only neutral perspectives on their social media. Second, the narratives of the main actors were the same, but the main themes were different according to their contexts. The analysis discusses the effectiveness of the EU's strategic narratives by focusing on measuring message reception. Its limited findings were that social media postings could not induce the audiences' active discussion of the EU's diplomatic performances. The conclusion suggests that the EU should identify the expectations from its global counterparts and use these to forge the Union's strategic narratives.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.5-35
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• 2021

Where government communication in the early 20^th century fell under the umbrella term, "propaganda," the post-WWII era saw a paradigm fracture into public affairs for domestic audiences, public diplomacy for foreign audiences, and psychological operations for hostile audiences. The continued diffusion of the Internet, however, has blurred such distinctions, mending this fractured paradigm. Based on in-depth interviews, this study typologizes government communication to contextualize how various tactics functions within the 21^st century digital media ecology, through an "Information Intervention" taxonomy. In an age where state-sponsored disinformation and computational propaganda are tantamount threats, this paper elucidates the field's fundamental concepts by articulating who communicates with what audience, in what manner, with what intent, and with what desired outcomes.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.75-116
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• 2021

This study argues that scholars lack an adequate conceptualization of the strategic use of social media framing by Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) during crises. As a theoretical starting point, this article employs the concept of soft disempowerment to suggest that MFAs may use online framing to limit an adversary's range of possible actions during a crisis by depicting that adversary as violating norms and values deemed desirable by the international community. Next, the article introduces the concept of mutually assured delegitimization (MAD), which suggests that actors may call into question one another's adherence with certain norms and values during crises, which results in the mutual depletion of soft power resources. Importantly, this article proposes a novel, methodological approach for the analysis of individual tweets during crises. To illustrate its methodological and conceptual innovations, the study analyzes tweets published by the MFAs of the United States (US) and Russia during the Crimea crisis and demonstrates that both MFAs used Twitter to negatively frame each other by calling their morals into question, which resulted in MAD.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

이 논문은 공공외교의 관점에서 자국의 이익과 관련된 국제 이슈에 대해 중국 언론과 한국 언론의 보도행태를 AIIB 출범에 관련된 기사를 통해 분석했다. 분석결과, AIIB 이슈에서 중국 신문은 중국 정부의 성명과 주장을 세계에 공표하고, 바람직한 국가 이미지를 구축하며 외국 정부의 정책 결정에 영향력을 행사하려는 공공외교의 목표에 부합하는 수단으로서 작용하고 있음이 확인되었다. 따라서 중국 언론은 미디어 공공외교의 세 가지 패러다임 가운데 도구주의 패러다임으로 규정할 수 있다. 중국 신문의 도구주의 패러다임은 언론의 소유 구조에서 기인한다. 한국 신문의 경우는 미디어 공공외교 패러다임의 대외정책 상관성에 있어서 도구주의를 제외한 문화주의와 전문가주의 패러다임이 혼재되어 있다. 그러나 기사형식에서 AIIB가 국가의 정치 경제에 미치는 영향에 관한 전망을 포함한 기획기사가 크게 부족한 점 등으로 미뤄볼 때, 성숙한 담론경쟁과 정책경쟁이라는 측면이 강조되는 전문가주의 패러다임보다 문화주의 패러다임이 더 유사하다고 결론지을 수 있다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 언론의 소유 구조가 국가이익과 관련된 공공외교 이슈에 관해서도 주요한 변인임을 입증하였다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권11호
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• pp.216-227
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• 2020

두 국가가 본격적으로 외교적 협약을 진행하기 전 우호적인 분위기를 만들기 위해서나, 국가간 정치적 우호 관계를 지속하기 위한 목적 등으로 과학외교를 사용한다. 최근에는 과학기술이 국가 발전에 미치는 영향이 커짐에 따라서 과학외교에 대한 관심이 더욱 집중되고 있다. 과학외교를 수행하기 위해 두 국가가 서로 흥미를 가질 수 있는 협동연구주제를 찾는 것은 전문가 집단에 의해 추천에 의해 이뤄진다. 그러나 이 방법은 전문가의 주관적 판단에 의지하기 때문에 편향성과 이에 따른 문제가 존재한다. 개인적 및 조직적 편향, 유명한 연구자의 후광효과, 전문가마다 다른 추천기준 등이 있을 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 전문가 기반의 방식이 가지는 문제점을 극복하기 위해 한국에서 시도된 빅데이터 기반의 외교를 위한 연구주제 추천방법을 소개한다. 빅데이터를 분석하기 위한 알고리즘은 전통적인 연구분야인 계량서지학 뿐만 아니라 최신 딥러닝 기술을 사용한다. 제안된 방식은 한국과 헝가리 간의 과학외교에 사용되었으며, 데이터기반 주제선정 방식의 가능성을 확인할 수 있었다.