• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-106
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine the concept and definition of fake news focusing on misinformation/false information and is to examine the ways in which our society can respond to the distortion of social reality and damage to democracy caused by information distortion such as fake news. To do this, the concept of fake news was examined based on the level of facticity and intention to device, and our social environment in which fake news was created and spread was examined from the perspective of datafication. In this environment, the library community, which plays a pivotal role in human access to and use of information, argued that it should strive to establish and provide universal literacy education in order to realize the Sustainable Development Goals of the UN 2030 agenda. The core of universal literacy education is to understand the society by investigating and analyzing data communication types according to the degree of datafication and the political, economic, social, and cultural background of society. For this reason, it was concluded that universal literacy should be implemented flexibly according to the degree of datafiation and users of each society.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2018

The history of decentralization and autonomy is the result of the struggle for democracy against the authoritarian central government. Before the imminent law amendment, there are many tasks for decentralization and citizen autonomy. Therefore, decentralization and autonomy are not given on their own but they must be taken from authoritarian and centralist power group which possesses exclusive interests. The decentralization and autonomy now enters into the stage of development. In 1960, the April 19 Revolution opened the era of democratic local autonomy and it was abolished by the military coup of May 16, Now, the era of the reform of the decentralization are coming. Decentralization and autonomy will evolve from the stage of quantitative expansion to the stage of qualitative leap. This paper proposes that the revision of decentralization be the strategic maximum, and that the independence of the local government personnel rights be the tactical minimum. This paper insists that the independence of personnel right in the local government can be a link with law amendment for decentralization. Local autonomy and decentralization are the main subjects of the amendment. Above all, clarifying this is the subject and method of this study, and the scope of the study.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.29
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• pp.3-33
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• 2011

No one can deny the harsh reality that archival culture has not yet been permeated extensively into all the spheres of our society. Only fragmented records in fixed areas are in the custody of archives. Records to build a living memory for the history of our present are hard to find or remain minimal, if anywhere. Above all, there are few records in archives concerned with the everyday life of common people. No consideration has not been made about the reason for being of archives, not to mention of the strategy for establishing the archival culture. Accordingly, a paradigm shift is required for archives directly connected with the everyday life of common people. Archives of everyday life means one which interprets the behaviour and experiences of individuals(groups) within the context of society through categorizing everyday life of common people into the lesser fields. And archives of everyday life also means an organization or facility/place which documents the everyday life of individuals(groups), and collect, appraise, select and preserve the records from the view point of humanities for the reconstruction of history from the bottom. Archives of everyday life is an attempt to reconstruct memory and records on behaviour by and torment of the common people in the modern history of Korea, on the basis of which we can seek out the oppressive structure in the daily life of capitalism. Archival community should discuss about what is the meaning of records in the age of democracy unlike that of authoritarian era. We also need to have definite direction on the what kinds of records are to be created and appraised from the standpoint of common people. We are to make it possible to create Zeitgeist in the tackle of records and archives' content. on this kind of attempt archival community could make a practical contribution forward a more advanced democracy, resulted in having an opportunity to change the essence of archives.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.447-456
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• 2020

Korean society is facing the 2017 regime and the era of the fourth industrial revolution. University education is trying to select agendas that focuses on public interest and innovation, which are key words, for change. Unlike recent efforts, practical changes are insufficient. There is a relative lack of discussion on the essence and theory of university education in South Korea. This study looked at the current location of Korean university education and discussed the essential direction from a point of view on critical pedagogy. So far, Korean university education has operated under the control of neo-liberalism for more than 20 years since the May 31 educational reform in 1995. Democracy and deindustrialization, the direction pursued by the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, differs from neo-liberalism. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on neo-liberalism and seek a subsequent turn of direction. Henry Giroux has been critical of the neo-liberalistic policy of American education, which has been a major discourse since 1980, and has discussed proposals for various changes. In particular, it provides clear coordinates for the features of human resources as educated people. For example, they are intellectuals, border intellectuals, and public intellectuals. These intellectuals have independent, autonomous, active, self-reliant characteristics and have a duty and accountability to pursue for public interests. It is also closely related to the 2017 regime and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Along with this discussion, university education seems to need serious and rigorous discussion and consideration.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.43-79
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• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.80-91
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• 2019

Korean society is now in the 2017 system. The zeitgeist is now hoping to move into a society where the right to pursue happiness centered on democracy, human rights, and peace is recognized, and to the era of the fourth industrial revolution. The paradigm shifts in the education arena began before the start of this socio-political system. The educational autonomy centered on the progressive education superintendent is accelerating the influx of alternative education, which is part of the civic education movement, through public school reforms. It can be seen that not only the progressive camp but also the conservative government emphasized educational policies such as the liberal semester system, which was gradually adopted by the government. For education that is appropriate for a rapidly changing society, it is necessary to discuss about educational grand-discourse that can alternate current public education. Although it does not mean only one discourse, it is a necessary process to systematically consider alternate education of public education and to suggest the direction for future education. In this regard, this study aims to introduce the discourse that can produce critical consciousness and creativity that emphasize the praxis and practice through critical pedagogy and bricolage.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.215-220
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• 2023

Network technology used as a physical interface to retrieve, store, and exchange data is leading the era of data capitalism in the 21st century. The capacity of network technology dominates almost all communication in everyday life, and makes social understanding and experiences in the physical world visible in cyberspace. The movements of human bodies and objects in cyberspace are placed in a social context. This paper paid attention to these phenomena and examined the cases of activism that raised real problems through cyberspace. In particular, the focus of the study is the digital activism of the Electronic Disturbance Theater, which combines critical art and thinking for democracy with the realm of information and demonstrates aesthetic imagination. The first chapter of the main body briefly outlines the meaning activism as a social movement in cyberspace. The second chapter looks back on the alternatives of <FloodNet>, which represents the early activism performance of EDT. And then in the last chapter, the poetic significance of the <Transborder Immigrant Tool> is analyzed. Through this process, this paper demonstrates that the activism performance of the EDT is a critical aesthetics that encourages imagination for alternatives. It also argues that Electronic Disturbance Theater has contemporary value as an avant-garde art that actively utilizes the medium of network technology and integrates performance art and politics.