• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.812-824
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• 2016

Morning grooming is a ritual daily held for transition from private to public life of an individual. Based on the previous literature's definition of the ritual characteristics, this study aims to identify the meaning of grooming rituals that are repeatedly performed every morning. Although many studies have conducted ritualistic analysis of the behaviors that are closely related to daily life, few studies analyze grooming from a ritualistic perspective. Establishing the ritual - that is, a person's distinct behavioral pattern-as the core concept, this study reveals the relationship between ritual performers and the ritual's composition to identify the meaning of the grooming ritual. The study conducts qualitative research with ten participants to identify the ritual characteristics of every-morning grooming and the factors that influence this ritual. Considering everyday grooming as a behavioral pattern that possesses mostly ritualistic elements, the study examines both the external characteristics that are shown through the methods of grooming and the internal characteristics that reflect the inherent symbolic meaning. This study contributes to extending the scope of the field. By understanding the factors that influence grooming rituals, companies can communicate their marketing messages regarding the step-by-step approach to grooming, thereby supporting consumers to effectively use various grooming products.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.4
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• pp.98-112
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• 2010

This study is on the 18th-century man's clothing excavated from Mr. Kim(1683-1766)'s tomb in Cheongju, Chungbuk in 2003. There are more than 100 pieces of excavated costumes from the tomb of Won-taek Kim. The excavated costumes have the value of genuine materials. Among them, 36 garments in good condition were investigated. As a result, there are several kinds of the excavated coats with different sizes, depending on the type of coats-Simui(深衣), Danryeong(團領), Sagyusam(四揆衫), Daechang, jungchimak(中赤莫), and Sochangui. These different-size coats reveal the degree of ritual; the length of the ritual costume is longer than that of the daily one. We can see two kinds (large and small) of coats, jackets, and pants. The large-size clothing is for the dead, the small size one as daily clothing was used for filling the empty space of the coffin. Among the excavated clothing from Mr. Kim's tomb, clothing for the dead(shroud) is bigger than man's daily costume. Concerning the form, color, and materials of the costumes, clothing for the dead is similar to daily clothing, while there is the difference in their size. The oversized costumes of coats, jackets, and pants are also different in size, matching the structure of clothing.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.16
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• pp.87-103
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• 2003

Religions have the characteristics ultimately to solve the problems of human beings. These religions are externally expressed through the behaviors called rituals and contain substantially symbolic meanings. A ritual is a kind of transcendental experiences and infinite experience conducted in the reality and formalizes external behaviors in front of the presence of holy subject. Therefore, there is no religion without rituals. However, there are insignificant differences between religions or sects in performing rituals. The purpose of a ritual for human beings who have access to the holy world and this world is to keep their balances not to excessively indulge in this world. Moreover, a ritual plays the role to exercise strict control over the daily life of religious people who are in the holy world but easily tend to be accustomed to force of habit. These rituals are closely related to belief. Belief(Conviction) is one of core elements of religion. Belief as the unique activity among various behaviors of human beings illustrates another characteristics of human beings. The common efforts in the history of mankind to overcome cultural or geographical differences through existing religions can be represented by belief, that is, the faith. On the basis of background described above, this study aims to identify the meaning of rituals and dynamic structure of belief as examining the rituals of Daesoonjinrihoe.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.25
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• pp.269-284
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• 1995

This study investgates the significance of Chosun burial clothing in 15th to 17th Centuries by examing the costumes recorded in the ryesu (ritual books). Referring to description of the mouring-rit-ual in the the Kujoohryei(국조오례의), the sangryebiyo(상례비요), they exhibit little differ-ence in the ceremonial procedure, this implies that the the Jujagarye, the oldiest Chinese Ryesu, had influence on the manner of Chosun. The Kujoohryei(국조오례의) written-in 15th Century played a paramount role in domesti-cation of burial costume(염습의) which had been performed by the Jujagarye(주자가례), and the sangryebiyo(상례비요) etc written between 16th and 17th Centries promoted to genealize the mouring-ritual to the ordinery people. In the period, ryemsupui(염습의, clothing for the dead) is costumes for 'sup(습)', sofyum(소렴), and 'daeryum(대렴)' in the mourning ceremorial procedure, and for postliminal rites in the rites of passage. The reason of using clothing which they put on the dead's own daily clothing stands for eagerness for lasting life not only in this world but also in the other world.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.162-175
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• 2014

This study focuses on Korea's traditional-style soryebok, in terms of its foundation, progression, and structural features. The research methods employed here include literature analyses of relevant laws and an official daily gazette, and practical analyses of artifacts and photographic documents. Especially, the artifacts of heukdannyeong(black uniform for officials with a round neck) in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) were examined, which was regulated as soryebok in Eulmiuijegaehyeok. The term "soryebok" firstly appeared in "使和記略"(Sahwagiryak) written by Park Yeong-hyo, a foreign envoy to Japan, in 1882. Emperor's invitation written in the book asked him to wear daeryebok at the ritual and soryebok to the banquet. Soryebok was not adopted in Gapshinuijegaehyeok in 1884. However, several illustrated documents of the modern banquets at that time reveal that sabok, which was included in the 1884 reform, was used as soryebok. According to the Gapouijegaehyeok in December 1894, courtiers were required to wear heukdannyeong as daeryebok, and add juui(topcoat) and dapho(sleeveless coat) as tongsangyebok when they visited the royal palace. In Joseon's first daeryebok system, the term "tongsangyebok" that had been used in Japan was employed before soryebok was used. According to Eulmiuijegaehyeok in August 1895, the term "soryebok" originated from a costume ritual for courtiers of the Joseon Dynasty. Soryebok featured heokbannyeong chaksupo, samo (winged hat for officials), sokdae(belt), and hwaja (shoes for officials). There are around 24 artifact pieces of heukdannyeong in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) in the following locations: garments of Prince Heungwangun and Wansungun, the court artifacts, Korea University Museum, Yun Ung-ryeol's family housed at Yonsei University, and Kyungwoon Museum. Artifacts have mu(godet) pulled back and a topcoat-like triangular mu. In conclusion, heukdannyeong, traditional-style soryebok has significance in the history of modern dress because streamlined traditional clothes and newly introduced Western dress system were able to be combined.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.284-303
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• 2002

The purpose of this research paper is to examine, from an ethnological viewpoint, the traditional practice of using sacrificial game and domestic livestock as is often seen at communal rites in Korea. This paper also examine how the more convenient use of livestock sacrifice developed from that in which wild game were once offered, and how this change in the type of animals used affected the significance of the sacrifice. It also looks at how the use of animal sacrifice for ceremonies eventually influenced the practice of meat consumption on the part of the participants in their daily life, and how it contributed to the eventual establishment and development of livestock breeding for the purpose of meat consumption. The practice of catching wild game in the mountains for sacrificial purposes eventually gave way to the use of pasturage cattle, but it should be understood that these domesticated livestock were raised primarily for ceremonial rather than meat consumption purpose. When used for sacrifice, these cattle were not castrated, as is normally done when they are slaughtered for meat consumption, but it should not be assumed that this was done for purposes of simplification. In addition, not only rice farmers but also when enterpreneurs set up a new enterprise, animal sacrifice was viewed not only as a form of on-site purification of evil, but also served the dual purpose of enhancing their business through the traditional custom of serving meat to those invited guests in attendance. In the large-scale village communal rite of Hwaghae Province located in the northwestern part of Korea, animal sacrifice was carried out in the ritual for the Mountain God in a highly dramatic style, and suggests that it originated with the agrarian rites of the "fire-field" farmers of East Asia, which were utilized to foretell whether the coming year would be one of abundance or famine, and to the royal ceremony held on the 3rd day of the 3rd month of the lunar calendar, as well as that held for the God of the Mountains and Streams. The dramatic-style hunting rite, included in the large-scale communal ritual of Hwanghae Province mentioned previously, as well as in the Ritual of the Cow from Pyungsan, also located in Hwanghae Province, in which wild game were used as sacrifice, is significant in that it points up the changes that have occurred in ceremonial animal sacrifice. However, more research on ritualistic animal sacrifice is still called for in rites for good farming, fishing, and the variety of others that are held throughout Korea.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.75-115
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• 2014

The text reviewed in this paper "Dongbangsaek is the Secret (Dongbangsaegi bigyeorira)" is in the collection of the Yulgok Memorial Library of Dankook University. With 13 leaves ($35.7{\times}22.3cm$) bound with thread, the booklet has been transcribed by hand. Although there is no record on the place, person and year of transcription, it is estimated to have been transcribed in the 20th century based on the use of the period, a punctuation mark. In addition, the complete absence of dialect vocabulary also shows that it was transcribed in the capital area-Seoul or Gyeonggi Province. It is assumed that the text is part of a Buddhist scripture chanted by an exorcist during a shamanistic ritual. As a booklet containing secret methods to divine what is auspicious and what is ominous in daily life, it must have been transcribed by an exorcist to use it for her ritual.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.391-435
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• 2018

This is the first study in Musicology that discusses the features of Kangwon Sangkangrye(the pre-lecture ritual in Buddhism). In this thesis, I reviewed and compared the similarity and uniqueness between Kangwon Sangkangrye in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days. The musical relation between the performance shown in the historical record and the one in contemporary ritual was illustrated here based on the findings derived from the anlaysis on its bell(小鐘) performance. The analysis made upon musical sources recorded on-site shows the characteristics of contemporary Kangwon Sangkangrye. Following is a brief summary of this study. The review and comparison between Kangwon Sangkangrae in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days showed that the second type, which was significantly different from the first type, was closer to that of the historical record. The performers at Unmunsa Temple and Chungamsa Temple seemed to be following the tradition bell(小鐘) performance style which was found in the text of the historical record. Through the analysis on Kangwon Sangkangrae, I found that it has musical characteristics as follows. The vocal range of type 1 and type 2 was mostly performed within Minor 7th and didn't exceed the perfect 8th. The melodic structure of type 1 starts with do'-la of naedeureum and ended with the melody which downscaled from do' and finalized from mi to la. Usually the mode was in menari-tori but at some lecture halls a few cases found to be upscaled from sol to la which differentiates it from the typical menari-tori of folk songs. Like the typical way of traditional rites, the singing was divided into two parts: the leading call and the following choral response. Most were sung to be one syllable on one or two tones or one syllable lasting for several tones and the musical forms were varied by musical pieces. Meantime, Sangkangrae at Haeinsa Temple was differed from that of the other temples in terms of ritual procedure and vocal style. It added Korean version of and the lead vocal skipped the first phrase of the Sasul. The melodic structure of Type 2 started with do'-la of naedeureum and was finalized as the same way of Type 1. The mode of was not the same as typical menari-tori but the Jeongrye(prostration) and Balweon(a great vow) were identical to the menari-tori of folk songs. The singing was done in two forms, solo and unison, and the lyric-attachment of Gesong was one syllable for one or two tones and that of Jeongrye and Balweon were one syllable for one or two tones + one syllable for several tones. The musical form of Jeongrye is A-B-C and A-C. Balweon didn't display a certain periodicity but still maintained sense of unity and formality through repetition of the finalizing melody.