• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cultural history

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Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji (삼태극의 의미고찰)

  • Kim, Myoung Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

A Study on the Gang Sehwang's Ink Orchid Painting (표암 강세황의 묵란화 연구)

  • Kang, Young Ju
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.102-123
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    • 2013
  • This paper is a study about the Gang Sehwang's (姜世晃 1713~1791) Ink Orchid Painting. Gang Sehwang is a representative literati gentleman who painted Four Gentlemen, for the first time, during the late Joseon Dynasty. There are 20 pieces of Ink Orchid Painting of his in Korea. His recognition of the Ink Orchid Painting can be understood through his records and analysis of his Ink Orchid Painting. He considered the sketch from the nature (寫生), practice of old paintings (古畵), and copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜). Particularly, Gang Sehwang focused on the copy-training of old paintings (古畵臨倣) which integrates the will and spirit of old literati gentlemen. This means that he had recognized the picture as a means of 'literature carrying morality (載道). Also, we could read self-discipline (修己的) values from his continuative copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜臨倣). Next, his Ink Orchid Painting were divided into the first half of the term (his 30s to 40s) and the second half of the term (his 60s to 78 years old). He had polished up on the Jieziyuanhuazhan ("芥子園畵傳") during the first half of the term and on the Shizhuzhaishuhuapu ("十竹齋書畵譜") or the Maejuknanguksabo ("梅竹蘭菊四譜") during the second half of the term. Therefore, it could be understood that he had depended on the manual of paintings (畵譜) for a long time. Nevertheless, he had completed the elegant and graceful Pyeoam Orchid (豹菴蘭)' based on his skill of the manual of paintings (畵譜) in his 70s. Finally, the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting and painters who lived (worked) at that time were investigated. He made?? the Albums of Calligraphy and Painting (書畵合壁帖) with Shim Sajeong (沈師正) and Choi Buk (崔北). They also interacted with each other by Calligraphy and Painting (書畵). Also, Yi Insang (李麟祥) and Im Heeji (林熙之) contributed to the diversification of the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting style by imitating Ink Orchid Painting with the manual of paintings (畵譜). Moreover, it is meaningful that the Ink Orchid Painting of Gang Se-hwang and the18th century Ink Orchid painters influenced the foundation of the 19th century Ink Orchid Painting fashion.

A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

A study on the structure of the Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site (감은사지 삼층석탑 구조)

  • Nam, si-jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.38
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    • pp.329-358
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    • 2005
  • The Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site, one of the early staged stone pagodas, has been known as a standard for Silla stone pagodas. A stone pagoda is not only a stone art work and but also a stone structure. Most studies and investigation of the stone pagoda has done mainly based on style and chronological research according to an art historical view. However, there is not an attempt to research the stone pagoda as a stone architecture. Most Korean experts at the stone pagoda has art history in their background. Engineers who can understand the structure of the stone pagoda are very limited. More architectural and engineering approach is need to research not only art historial understanding but also safety as a structure. We can find many technical know-how from our ancestors who made stone pagodas. 1. To reduce any deformation such as relaxation and sinking of BuJae which is caused by a heavy load, the BuJae (consist of a foundation stone and lower stereobates) should be enlarged. 2. A special construction method for connection between Myonsuk and Tangjoo was invented. This unique method is not used any longer after the Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site. 3. The upper BuJae and the lower BuJae are missed each other by making a difference of Okgaesuk and Okgaebatchim in size. It is done for a distribution of perpendicular load and a prevention for relaxation of BuJae. 4. The center of gravity in the BuJae is located to the center of the stone pagoda by trimming the upper surface of the Okgaebatchim into a convex shape. The man who made stone pagodas had excellent knowledge on the engineering and techniques to understand the structure of the stone pagodas. We can confirm it as follows: the enlarged BuJae, dislocated connection between upper Bujae and lower BuJae, and moving the center of gravity close to the center of the stone pagoda.

This Study of the Arms Used in the Three Kingdoms (삼국시대(三國時代) 병기체제(兵器體制)의 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, sung-tae
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.34
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    • pp.20-58
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    • 2001
  • In order to unravel the characteristics of arms used in the 'Three Kingdoms,' Kokuryo, Silla and Paikje. the classification and the developing procedures of the arms should be first discussed. At first, the basic arms of the soldiers of Three Kingdoms were iron swords, iron spearheads, and bows. During that period, swords attached a ring pommel were commonly used. But after 5A. D. a sword with a decoration pommel appeared. Infantry generally used iron spearheads. From the late 4A. D. the long spearheads were broadly used in cavalry battles. In the late 6A. D. infantry mainly used long spearheads, and this resulted in the foundation of long spearheads units. There were two kinds of bows: Short Bow whose arch is small and Long Bow whose arch is long. It is known that the Short Bow was widely used in Kokuryo and Paikje up to 5A. D. In the early era, infantry used Long Bow, yet it was vastly used after 6A. D. when a castle's strategical value was great and defending a castle was. significant. Above mentioned, as basic combat weapons, iron spearhead and bow were fundamental. In particular, the spearhead was the essential weapon to a soldier. Yet, arrow gun and hook-shape cutters were important weapons. Especially, after 6A.D., when a castle became strategically pivotal in military, the arrow gun became the important weapon. This resulted in the foundation of arrow gun units. Hook-shape cutters were used to snatch horsemen or to climb up to fall the castle. Yet, the cutter was not the Three Kingodoms' basic weapon. In addition, the three stages of arms development in the Three Kingdoms are formation stage, development stage, and settlement stage. The formation stage was the period when premitive military unit appeared in the Three Kingdoms. It ranged from 1B. C. to the mid 3A. D. At that time according to regions. there were two weapon systems operating: North area including Kokuryo and the northern part of Paikje and South area including Silla, Kaya and the southern part of Paikje. ln North area a sword with a ring attached at the end of the holder, iron spear with neck and mid-size flat holder and iron arrowhead with an extension to fix, were used. In this period, during a war calvary units were mostly used and their weapon systems seemed possibly to succeed in that of Kochosun. In the development stage, when LoLang's influence on surroundings became weak, Koguryo, Paikjae and Silla had directly contacted each other. In the late 3A.D. to the early 6A.D., Silla achieved a drastic improvement in weapon system. This was the period when Kokuryo played a leading role in arms race. Kokuryo's arms manufacturing techniques passed onto Silla, Kaya and Paikje. In combat strategy a joint operation between infantry and calvary prevailed even if their military tactics were different. In a calvary battle heavily armed horsemen played import roles at this period. The horsemen and even horses were heavily guarded with iron armors. After all, the appearance of fully armed horsemen implies the very need of powerful destructive forces in weapon system. At that time, basic weapons were a big sword with a ring attached at the end of the holder, swallow's tail-shape spear with neck, and iron spearhead with neck and an extension. The settlement stage began at the mid 6A.D., when it was the revolutionary period in the arms development history. Of course, actual proofs and picture documents were not sufficient enough to penetrate full scale of the weapon system. But, according to historical circumstances and historic records, it is very certain that this period was the peak in arms development. In this period special military units, such as infantry-calvary companies, Archery units and Long spear units, that executed particular duties with special weapons, were founded. This became the characteristics of the settlement stage.

A Diagnostic Analysis on the Conservation Status for the Maintenance of the Front Wall of Jungjeongdang Area of Dodong-Seowon (도동서원 중정당 전면 담장의 보수를 위한 진단학적 보존 상태 분석)

  • Kim, Kyu-Yeon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.1
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2019
  • This study was conducted to analyze the conservation status by diagnostical methology for the front wall of Jungjeongdang area of Dodong-Seowon. The study was carried out as photogrammetry and mapping - investigation of materials and conservation status - analysis and evaluation of conservation status. The results are as follows. First, in the case of photogrammetry, each photograph was took in superposition, and the distortions of the photographs were corrected and synthesized. Based on this, actual survey drawings of the wall were prepared. Second, in case of material and conservation status, the wall is in the form of Wapyeondam and the material of the head part are tile, mud and lime, and the material of the body part are mud and tile. The mud was mixed with gravel, sand and straw. At the base part, amorphous natural stones and mud were used. The remarkable damage that appears on the wall is erosion of the base part, and some disintegration appears in the body part. There is a biological patina on the head and the base, and vegetation such as lichen is concentrated on the partial body. There was superficial deposit in the head part, and some tiles were broken or lost. Deep fissures are intensively located in some part of the eastern wall. Third, in the case of analysis and evaluation of the conservation status, it is considered that by the erosion of the foundation part and the disintegration of the body part, there is a possibility that physical damage will continue to be applied to the wall, so immediate action is necessary. The distribution of biological patina and vegetation does not appear to cause great problems in the wall, but it is necessary to reduce it in view of aesthetic problems. A cracked or missing tile would need to be replaced, and deep cracks in the eastern wall appear to have been caused by subsidence, and reinforcement of the underground is necessary to prevent further damage.

Four Heavenly Kings Statues of Hoeamsa in the Early Joseon Dynasty: Seen Through Clay-Fragments Excavated From the Yangju Hoeamsa Site (양주 회암사지(楊州 檜巖寺址) 4단지 문지 출토 소조편(塑造片)을 통해 본 회암사 사천왕상)

  • SHIM, Yeoungshin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.3
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    • pp.168-191
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    • 2021
  • This article examines the shape, iconography, and creation date of the Four Buddhist Heavenly Kings (Sacheonwang 四天王) enshrined in the Heavenly Kings' Gate (Cheonwangmun 天王門) of Hoeamsa in Yangju, Gyeonggi Province during the early Joseon Dynasty. First, small fragments of clay decoration excavated from a fourth-platform gate site of the Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju Gyeonggi Province were analyzed and compared to other Four Heavenly Kings enshrined in the (Cheonwangmun gates) during the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the size and shape of the gate were compared to other Cheonwangmun gates constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Results revealed that the excavated fragments were part of the armor of Sacheonwang, and the clay-standing statues enshrined in the fourth-platform gate of Hoeamsa Temple would be proportional in size to those of Beopjusa Temple in Boeum, South Chungcheong Province. The flame-type pieces, which decorated the Heavenly King's crown in the Joseon Dynasty, and the rectangular-type pieces were not found in artifacts from the Goryeo Dynasty. Therefore, the Sacheonwang sculptures of the Hoeamsa Temple were likely made in the late 15th century in the early Joseon Dynasty. A detailed iconography of the Sacheonwang of Hoeamsa is presumedly based on the Buddhist paintings and illustrations of Buddhist scriptures (Gyeongbyeonsangdo 經變相圖)from the late Goryeo and early Joseon. During the late Goryeo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, Traditional iconography from Goryeo and new iconography from Ming coexisted. However, in the late 15th century, the Sacheonwang statues of the early Joseon Dynasty had many different elements from those of the Goryeo Dynasty and were similar to those enshrined in Cheonwangmun Gate during the Joseon Dynasty. The Four Heavenly Kings of Hoeamsa Temple, believed to have been produced in the late 15th century, has historical significance in the following points. They were the first Joseon Sacheonwang statues example enshrined in the Cheonwangmun gate. In addition, they were established as a new tradition that influenced the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings during the Joseon Dynasty.

A Study on the Production of Royal Seals during the Reign of King (Emperor) Gojong (r. 1863-1907) (고종 연간(1863~1907) 제작 어보(御寶) 연구)

  • JE, Jihyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.3
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    • pp.126-149
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    • 2021
  • The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.

Study on the Design Ideas and Planning Method of the Gameunsa Temple Architecture in Silla (신라감은사건축의 계획이념과 설계기술 고찰)

  • Lee, Jeongmin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.238-259
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    • 2021
  • Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

Usages and Religious Takes on the Concept of Haewon (해원 개념의 용례와 종교적 전환)

  • Ko, Byoung-chul
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.39
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    • pp.1-32
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    • 2021
  • The purpose of this article is to explain the conceptual changes that the notion of Haewon (解冤) has undergone by examining the evolution of the usages of Haewon. In order to achieve this purpose, I reviewed the conceptual connotations and denotations of Haewon contained in data from the Joseon Dynasty (Section 2), the Japanese colonial period (Section 3), and the scriptures and major preceding research of Daesoon Jinrihoe (Section 4). The research results described in this article are as follows. First, Haewon is a term with historical, social, and cultural characteristics. This means that Haewon, a term that has been used since the Joseon Dynasty, was a concept used to solve collective problems but could also be applied on the individual level. This further means that, if culture is regarded as a collective consciousness or as a collection of material products, Haewon would be a term that contained social and cultural aspirations. Second, Haewon is not a concept that has been impervious to innovation throughout its history. This can be confirmed by the fact that Haewon's scope of application has changed depending on the problem domain (legal, natural disasters, an institutional domain, etc.). Third, Haewon has converted into religious language a doctrinal system that came about after the emergence of Jeungsan. This means that previously the concept of Haewon was mainly used at the legal level in the Joseon Dynasty, but after the emergence of Jeungsan, it became a term in religious language and in doctrine. The materials of Daesoon Jinrihoe show that this concept of Haewon was expanded to be included at the doctrinal level. These research results show a historical shift in the ideological thought contained in the concept of Haewon. As a term in religious language that is included in a doctrinal system, Haewon has an extension of denotations that is applied to the world beyond individuals and societies, yet it maintains connotations of resolving grievances. This concept of Haewon mediates the transformation of the world and creates a rationale by which training and ethical practice are necessary components of that process of transformation.