• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cultural History

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Traces of Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong in Literature - with the Focus on the History, Scale and Sites of Gwan-a - (문헌으로 찾은 양근·지평 관아의 흔적 - 관아의 연혁·규모·터[址]를 중심으로 -)

  • Yu, Dong-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.80-99
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    • 2018
  • In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

The Celebration of the Mansuseongjeol of Emperor Gojong (고종황제 만수성절 경축 문화)

  • Lee, Jung-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.133-172
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    • 2017
  • Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

Comparison of perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism (증산계 신종교와 유교, 도교의 죽음관 비교)

  • Shin, Jin-sik
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.58
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    • pp.201-243
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    • 2018
  • Understanding the theory of how a religion accepts the perspective on death is a prerequisite to grasp the identity and characteristics of such religion. Furthermore, contemplating the perspective on death, itself has a significant meaning as the contemplation provides an insight on how religion has, currently is and how it would influence the practical life of the human race. This current study compares and analyzes the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. By comparing the perspectives on death, this study seeks to conclude the similarity and discrepancy of New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. The objective of this study is to summarize the religious characteristic and identity of New Religions of Jeungsan, and the social role of New Religions of Jeungsan. How does New Religions of Jeungsan preach afterlife? This question implies varieties of questions including: In what shape or form does human exist in afterlife?; Does human maintain their original identity in afterlife?; What happens to relations with family members in afterlife?; What is one's role in afterlife, and what would one experience in afterlife? or Does soul transmigrate or are reborn? This current study compares the answers to these questions one by one with Confucianism and Taoism.In general, this current study was conducted with a non-religious methodology. Death can be explained in three different domains: the psychological domain explaining the individual psychological awareness upon encountering death; the philosophical-religious domain explaining the death through the philosophical understanding of the human concept; and the socio-cultural domain explaining death through the social ceremonies upon death.This current study focuses on the philosophical domain of the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, with a comparison of the socio-cultural significance. To understand the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, It is indispensable to explain the five key elements of Hon(魂), Baek (魄), Shin(神), Young(靈) and Seon(仙) that construe death. The perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan imposes a multi layer of acceptance and overcoming. This current study complements the problems and limits of previous studies by comparison with Confucianism and Taoism. Throughout this process, this current study intends to highlight the key elements of the perspective on death preached by Deasunjinrihoe, and identify the aspects of each key element. With the sophisticated discussion of the perspective on death provided by New Religions of Jeungsan with clarity, this current study will provide grounds for future studies to extract, in detail, the aspects of the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, in further subjects including: discussions on death such as rituals for death, treatment of bodies, funerals, educating death, euthanasia, or suicide; discussions on the existence of hell; discussions on psychological aspects of ones who encounter death; or discussions on rebirth of those who died during the creation era. This current study will provide an overview on what kind of perspective on death does those who are faithful to New Religions of Jeungsan have and currently are living their life with.

Characteristics of the construction process, the history of use and performed rituals of Gyeongungung Heungdeokjeon (경운궁 흥덕전의 조영 및 사용 연혁과 설행된 의례의 특징)

  • LIM, Cholong;JOO, Sanghun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.1
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    • pp.281-304
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    • 2022
  • Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

Analysis of Paint Used for a Helicopter Operated in the Korean War through the History of Paint Application (페인트 도장의 역사를 통해 본 6·25전쟁 운용 헬기의 도료분석)

  • Kang Hyunsam;Jang Hanul;Choi Yangho
    • Conservation Science in Museum
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    • v.29
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    • pp.133-152
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    • 2023
  • This study references preceding studies to examine the history of paint application techniques using various paints in the past, with the aim to contribute to the long-term preservation of large military cultural heritage assets situated outdoors. To this end, the study compared the findings of preceding research with the findings of an analysis conducted on a H-13 helicopter housed at the War Memorial of Korea. Upon collecting and analyzing samples from three grounded WWII aircraft from above-ground by preceding studies, it was confirmed from each sample that the various chemical properties of chrome ensured the effectiveness of the protective coating. The compound was first tested as a corrosion-inhibiting pigment in the early 1940s and proved its excellent moisture-resistant properties over the course of 80 years, despite the deterioration of the paint layer and long-term exposure to the natural environment. For this reason, it has been widely used as a corrosion inhibitor for aluminum alloys in the aviation industry. In other word, the most widely-used material for preventing corrosion was an organic primer containing chromate. In this study, based on the paint analysis of a H-13 helicopter operated in the Korean War, it was shown that the second layer, consisting of the primer, contains chromium oxide (Cr2O3). In addition, it was estimated that red lead tetraoxide (Pb3O4) was used for the vehicle. Analysis results and data from previous studies can help to confirm the continued effectiveness of corrosion prevention function provided by chromate. Meanwhile, the result of infrared spectroscopy analysis confirmed the use of alkyd resin. In the future, comparisons with a more diverse range of artifacts will allow the identification of changes in the manufacturing technology of paints used to protect alloys from corrosion.

A study on the Construction and the Transition of Daebodan in the Late Josun Dynasty (조선후기 창덕궁 대보단의 조성과 변천에 관한 연구)

  • LEE Yeonro
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.96-116
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    • 2022
  • The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

A Study on the Construction and Landscape Characteristics of Munam Pavilion in Changnyeong(聞巖亭) (창녕 문암정(聞巖亭)의 조영 및 경관특성에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Won-Ho;Kim, Dong-Hyun;Kim, Jae-Ung;Ahn, Gye-Bog
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.27-41
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    • 2014
  • This study aims to investigate the history, cultural values prototype through literature analysis, characteristics of construction, location, space structure and landscape characteristics by Arc-GIS on the Munam pavilion(聞巖亭) in Changnyeong. The results were as follows. First, Shin-cho((辛礎, 1549~1618) is the builder of the Munam pavilion and builder's view of nature is to go back to nature. The period of formation of Munam pavilion is between 1608-1618 as referred from document of retire from politics and build a pavilion. Secondly, Munam pavilion is surrounded by mountains and located at the top of steep slope. Pavilion was known as scenic site of the area. But damaged in a past landscape is caused by near the bridge, agricultural facilities, town, the Kye-sung stream of masonry and beams. Thirdly, Munam pavilion is divided into the main space, which is located on the pavilion, space in located on the pavilion east and west and the orient space, which is located on the Youngjeonggak. Of these, original form of Munam pavilion is a simple structure composed of pavilion and Munam rock, thus at the time of the composition seems to be a direct entry is possible, unlike the current entrance. Fourth, Spatial composition of Munam pavilion is divided into vegetation such as Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, ornament such as letters carved on the rocks and pavilion containing structure. The vegetation around the building is classified as precincts and outside of the premises. Planting of precincts was limited. Outside of area consists of front on the pavilion, which is covered with Lagerstroemia Indica forest and Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion. Ofthese,LargeLagerstroemiaIndicaforestcorrespondstothenaturalheritageasHistoricalrecordsofrarespeciesresourcesthatareassociated withbuilder. Letterscarvedontherocksrepresenttheboundaryof space, which is close to the location of the Munam pavilion and those associated with the builder as ornaments. Letters carved on the rocks front on the pavilion are rare cases that are made sequentially with a constant direction and rules as act of record for families to honor the achievements. Fifth, 'The eight famous spots of Munam' is divided into landscape elements that have nothing to do with bearing 4 places and landscape elements that have to do with bearing 4 places. Unrelated bearings of landscape elements are Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion, Okcheon valley, Gwanryongsa temple and Daeheungsa temple. Bearing that related element of absolute orientation, which is corresponding to the elements are Daeheungsa temple, Hwawangsan mountain, Kye-sung stream and Yeongchwisan mountain. Relative bearing is Gwanryongsa temple, Yeongchwisan mountain and Kye-sung stream Gongjigi hill. At Lagerstroemia indica trees in Sa-ri in Changnyeong, Pinus densiflora forest at the back of the pavilion, Kye-sung stream and Okcheon valley, elements are exsting. Currently, it is difficult to confirm the rest of the landscape elements. Because, it is a generic element that reliable estimate of the target and locations are impossible for element. Munam pavilion is made for turn to nature by Shin-cho(辛礎). That was remained a record such as Munamzip(聞巖集) and Munamchungueirok(聞巖忠義錄) that is relating to construction of pavilion. Munam pavilion located in a unique form, archival culture through the letters carved on the rocks and Large Lagerstroemia indica forest and through eight famous spots, cultural landscape elements can be assumed that those elements are remained.

The cinematic interpretation of pansori and its transformation process (판소리의 영화적 해석과 변모의 과정)

  • Song, So-ra
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.47-78
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    • 2021
  • This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

Formative Stages of Establishing Royal Tombs Steles and Kings' Calligraphic Tombstones in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 능비(陵碑)의 건립과 어필비(御筆碑)의 등장)

  • Hwang, Jung Yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.20-49
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    • 2009
  • This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.