• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.258-271
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• 2019

Recent changes in inter-Korean relations have encouraged South Korean archaeologists' interest in northern cultural heritage and their desire to conduct research. However, it is doubtful how much the South Korea really knows about the cultural ruins in North Korea and the cultural ruins to be found in the DMZ. In Korea, research data on the Japanese colonial period is scattered amongst national institutions and it is not possible to to collect, identify and document the data available in each institution. Typically, the data of Keiichi Ogawa(小川敬吉) is difficult to understand in its printed from. In addition, Ogawa has collected data from several national government agencies, and work is underway to collect architectural data and construct digital archives. This situation will not occur if we publish the data collected so far in digital form. Therefore, there is an urgent need to fully disclose the data related to Cheolwon which is owned by national institutions. If this data is analyzed, sufficient archaeological information can be obtained without excavation. On the other hand, one must wonder if the whole landscape of Cheolwon castle of Taebongguk cand be understood by investigating the interior of Cheolwon castle. This effort should be preceded by a survey on the ruins and the remains of the southern part of the southern boundary line. Rapid development and large-scale arrangement of cultivated land are likely to make it difficult to restore the external landscape related to the tillage demand that is required by the current situation. In the process of restoration of the actual Gyeongwon Line, it has been confirmed that serious irregularity has caused damage and the landscape has been transformed. In order to minimize these risks, it is urgent that we investigate the relics scattered in the southern part of the country, and not devote ourselves to the investigation of Cheolwon. In this regard, how much military, roads, excavation and archaeologists are prepared, centered on Cheolwon and scenery is an important question. I am curious as to how much preparation is provided to the Chulwon-gun and Gangwon-do in terms of administrative assistance, and how much archaeologists and excavation agencies are aware of the archaeological information of the inside and the southern part of the DMZ. Furthermore, how long have people been aware of the archaeological remains on the North Korean side? In order for da iscussion on Cheolwon and scenery to progress, it is necessary to carry out a precise investigation and accumulation of data on the remains in South Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.58-69
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to present specific standards for landscape planning and construction applicable to landscaping areas in various historical sites. The results are as follows: First, the types of historical sites are classified according to their preservation status and processing techniques, and the classification according to their status is divided into those that have been buried underground, such as those that have been exposed to the ground, such as buildings and structures, and those that have a reputation or a record of the sites. The classification according to the wartime processing technique was classified by such techniques as closures that isolate the site, penetration that can be seen on the site, and overlays where a separate protection facility is installed on the site. Second, the principles of landscape planning for display of historical sites are divided into the items that make up the historical site, surface treatment of the sites, tree planting, and installation of facilities. If the site is not a circular space, the area separating the space by different materials between the components is required. In the event that preservation of the historical site is required, it is deemed desirable to use the soil, and to do so, the use of grasses and shrubs is effectively considered to be effective. The introduction of plants and plants should be considered according to the nature of the space. Depending on the area and nature of the monument, the facility is required to take a cautious approach by reviewing its influence on the landscape and the additional excavation of the monument. Third, the readjustment method derived as a result of looking at the landscaping principle in the historical site space was classified as conservation of status, installation of protection facilities, burial, restoration, relocation, and reproduction. Preservation of the status quo is essential for limited landscape planning and should not affect the prototype of existing relics. The protection facility shall be installed where necessary to protect the relics, and when the soil is formed, the surface treatment shall be required to remove trees that could damage the site and prevent soil and soil oil from being lost after the site. The restoration shall establish a landscaping plan according to the circular preservation based on the clues to the circle. The transfer requires a landscaping plan to create an environment similar to the outer space of an existing site and should be able to highlight the value or location of the original site. The reenactment should have a landscaping plan to revive the landscape and atmosphere of the past for the now-defunct remains. Fourth, landscaping can simultaneously satisfy the preservation of excavation sites and the increase in exhibition effects. In order to protect the traces of the past and vitalize the site of the ruins today, specific measures are required, the creation of a park for historical sites that preserve the functions and value of the relics, and the formation of a shape of linked contents can be suggested as alternatives.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.118-129
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• 2011

This study is about the governor general's official residence and its garden in Yongsan that were constructed during the Japanese occupational time. The garden design drawing was also made while planning such Neo-Baroque style building, and it contains particular information of the garden unlike the other existing landscape drawings. The content of garden translated and landscape historical value drawn out by analysis of garden drawings, press articles and literatures are as follows; First, such governor general's official residence garden in Yongsan is likely to be the Korean first western style landscape form. For, from the point that it was completely constructed together with such official residential building in 1909, its construction time should be before that of the garden of Seokjojeon, Deoksu Palace, which was constructed in 1911. Second, it shows the garden style and garden planting factors introduced together with the modern architecture then. Such garden planting factors are placed from the center axis of the garden that is connected to the center of the building and monument as well. Such style and factors cover and show the flower bed appearing in Baroque style gardens, the monument that forms Vista playing the center of audience's vision, water space that is placed symmetrically against the axis, planting pattern that emphasizes the plants' space, flower bed shape and axis, and what kinds of plants were introduced then. Third, it shows the using pattern of western style gardens. Western style garden parties used to take in place in this garden while official dinner and reception were held in the evening in the official residence. Fourth, it shows the historical value as a modern landscape drawing, which is the Korean first landscape drawing that shows the plants' names and planting techniques marking the current height and planned height for change of topography and water system as a water landscape factor. That is, this drawing has the value that it was upgraded from the other existing ones that expressed only simple plants' symbols or flower bed shapes. I, therefore, hope that the studies on the modern landscape would be getting wider by excavation of new historical records in the future.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.37 no.6
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• pp.723-737
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• 2021

This study analyzed the composition and structure of materials with Buddhist paper scriptures excavated from architectural sites in 'Sum Tolgoi' of the 17^th century and carried out conservation treatment base on the result of the analysis. The scriptures were covered in dust and foreign sub stances, and were so crumpled that it was impossible to identify the form. The damage, loss, and discoloration have been identified. Buddhist scriptures written in Tibetan used indigo and ink sticks on paper as a result of UV-Vis analysis, and ink sticks as black character materials from scriptures written ancient Mongolian. SEM-EDS and Micro-XRF analyses revealed that the outlines were drawn with red lines using a mix of Minium (Pb₃O₄) and Cinnabar (HgS), or Cinnabar (HgS) alone, and the contents of the scriptures were written with silver paint. Silver chloride (AgCl) and Calcium (Ca) were identified in the silver paint component of the characters, while Calcium and Orpiment (As₂S₃) were identified in the yellow lines. Concerning the paper ground, Buddhist scriptures written in ancient Mongolian were characterized by herbal plant fiber and bast fiber, and those written in Tibetan, by bast fiber. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the paper for the scriptures was produced between the 15^th and 17^th centuries. Conservation treatment of the scriptures was carried out based on the experiment on the production of pre-coated paper and how to coat that to prevent the second damage due to the deformation and fragility of the excavated paper. The scriptures were preserved and mounted, and a neutral box was made to identify the contents of the scriptures recorded on both sides after the treatment. This conservation treatment is the result of a study that applied new conservation treatment materials and methods according to the principle of conservation treatment reversibility.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.103-114
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• 2023

The Christian Museum of Gongju Jeil Church was first built in 1931 and was largely damaged during the Korean War, but the walls and chimneys have been preserved. This building has a high architectural values in that the chapel was reconstructed in 1956, and maintains its original form through repair of damaged parts rather than new construction. The stained glass windows were as installed in 1979 and has a great significance in the Dalle de Verre method using lump glass. However, some of the stained glass damaged partially, such as various cracks and splits, and vertical and horizontal cracks in the joint fillers of supporting the colored glass. As the structural materials of the stained glass window, an iron frame and cement mortar filled with it were used, and corrosion of iron, cracking of mortar and granular decomposition appear partially due to weathering. In the joint fillers, the content of Ca and S is very high, indicating that gypsum were used as admixtures, and the gypsums grow in a rhombohedral and forms a bundle, which is investigated to have undergone recrystallization. As a result of modeling the ultrasonic velocity at the joint fillers, the left and right windows at the entrance show relatively weak in the range of 800 to 1,600m/s, and the lower right corner of the altar window and the upper left corner of the center window were also 1,000 to 1,800m/s, showing relatively low physical properties. And gypsums produced during the neutralization of lime mortar were detected in the joint fillers and contaminants on the surface. Such salts may cause damage to the joint material due to freezing and thawing, so appropriate preventive conservation is required. Also, since various damage types are complexly appearing in stained glass window and joint filler, customized conservation treatment should be reviewed through clinical tests.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.118-135
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• 2022

The primary purpose of this study is to estimate the structure of Byeongpungsadaseok (屛風莎臺石) and Nanganseok (欄干石) in Geonwonneung (建元陵) and Heonneung (獻陵), which were built in the early of 15th century, based on the Annals of King Sejong. In addition, the ultimate purpose of this study is to reveal structural changes and their significance by comparing the differences with the contents of the dismantlement survey. Geonwonneung, Jereung(齊陵), and Heonneung were repaired at the same time in 1442, and the structural changes were the similar. The purpose of the repair in 1442 was to prevent water from flowing into the underground palace with smooth drainage. As a result of estimating the structure of Geonwonneung and Heonneung according to the records of the Annals of King Sejong, it was created in a very similar form to the Hyeonneung and Jeongneung of Goryeo. And it was clearly recognized that the Royal Tomb of Goryeo was followed. However, as the structure was improved in 1442, the unique characteristics of the Royal Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty were formed. First is the appearance of the Bokbuhyeong lime (覆釜形石灰, which is a convex roof on the Byeongpungsadaseok that serves to prevent rainwater from penetrating into the burial mound. It also plays a role in connecting and fixing the Manseok (滿石) and the Inseok (引石), which are the upper structures of the Sadaseok (莎臺石). Second, the Bakseok (薄石) between the nanganseok and the sadaseok has been transformed into the Sangseok (裳石) with a slope. This plays a role in protecting the inner stone chamber by expanding the length of the bakseok, which forms an overall slope, like the eaves of the roof. After both of these features were first attempted in 1442, they were applied to all Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty and became unique features of these Royal Tombs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.46-59
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• 2023

Various Baekje ground-level building sites have been identified, in Pungnaptoseong Fortress, including Mirae Village's site E-1. However, building site E-1 is the only one with excavated roof tiles that are directly connected to the building site. As for building sites E-2, D-1, and D-2, which are comparable to site E-1, it is very possible that they had tiles on the roof based on their jeoksim (blocking facilities for roof slopes) and building structures. Also, although they are semi-underground pit structures, pit building sites A-30 and modern apartment site A-5, as well as the No.44 remains of Gyeongdang District, which is closer to a ground-level type, the buildings with tiles may have been constructed in the form of partial tile roofs rather than full-face tile roofs. Therefore, there may be several reasons behind the use of tiles on roofs in the early days, but the primary background of the building's authoritative function would have been considered first. Considering that China and Japan started using tiles on nationally important buildings such as palaces, temples, and ritual buildings, it may be presumed that Baekje began using tiles from the time it centralized power. It is believed that Baekje's early roof tile buildings evolved from rudimentary residential architecture to advanced public architecture, taking into consideration fire prevention and structural stability in large buildings. It is difficult to find similar cases in Korea with structural features such as the elevated foundations or underground stone foundations that can be found in Mirae Village building site E-1. Rather, similar architectural techniques can be found in China and Japan. In China, similar construction techniques were discovered in buildings of worship that were primarily built in the palace surroundings, such as Jangan Castle. Based on this, it appears that roof tile building sites, such as site E-1, that have been discovered have a strong correlation with the characteristics of buildings of worship, and ground type buildings, such as sites D-1 and D-2, are important facilities that are related to important public facilities such as state-run warehouses. This provides many implications regarding the early Baekje city structure.

• Journal of the Korean Recycled Construction Resources Institute
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.8-16
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• 2024

Limestone (CaCO₃, calcium carbonate), which is used as a raw material in the portland cement and steel industry, emits CO₂ through decarbonation by high temperatures in the manufacturing process. To reduce CO₂ emissions by the use of raw materials like limestone, it has been proposed to replace limestone with various industrial by-products that contain CaO but less or none of the carbonated minerals, that cause CO₂ emissions. Loss of Ignition (LOI), Thermogravimetric analysis (TG), and Infrared Spectroscopy (IR) are used to quantitative the amount of CO₂ emission by using these industrial by-products, but CO₂ emissions can be either over or underestimated depending on the characteristics of by-product materials. In this study, we estimated CO₂ contents by LOI, TG, IR and DTG(Differential Thermogravimetric analysis) of calcite(CaCO₃) and samples that contain CO₂ in the form of carbonate and whose weight increases by oxidation at high temperatures. The test results showed for CaCO₃ samples, all test methods have a sufficient level of reliability. On the other hand, for the CO₂ content of the sample whose weight increases at high temperature, LOI and TG did not properly estimate the CO₂ content of the sample, and IR tended to overestimate compared to the predicted value, but the estimated result by DTG was close to the predicted valu e. From these resu lts, in the case of samples that contain less than a few percent of CO₂ and whose weight increases during the temperature that carbonate minerals decompose, estimating the CO₂ content using DTG is a more reasonable way than LOI, TG, and IR.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.