• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제21권
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• pp.147-175
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• 2003

This study is primarily concerned with the criteria for choosing a legitimate state plaintiff in cases involving a states request to media for a right of reply. Interpretation of the right of reply itself is different from country to country because of different constitutional views and systems in each state. Unlike the United States, the constitution of the Republic of Korea does not expressly prohibit the making of laws adversely affecting freedom of the press. Accordingly, in Korea freedom of the press may be restricted through legislation within certain limits and the right of reply is not incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. An analysis of relevant law makes it clear that the particular agency aggrieved should initiate the suit rather than the Justice Minister. The idea that the Justice Minister should assume the role of plaintiff in all state cases seems to stem from flawed interpretations of provisions in the Law Governing Registration of Periodicals and the Law Governing Litigation Involving the State. Even though each state agency has the right of reply, it should be cautioned not to abuse it as the states frequent involvement in litigation may bring on unnecessary misunderstanding and have a chilling effect on the media. The right of reply does not always imply that a certain media report in question is wrong and the media should be sanctioned for it. The right of reply is basically intended to help the general public make an informed judgment on issues presented in the media and insure fairness and balance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제22권
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• pp.77-106
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• 2003

As globalization of communication is going on and as the media have become increasingly central to the world economy, media policy matters have become the province of world economic organizations like the IMF and the WTO. The WTO service negotiation is focused primarily on the discriminatory and quantitative barriers associated with the trade of audiovisual services. Domestic measures such as subsidization, content regulation including quotas, and licensing requirements and restrictions on foreign ownership and control are at issues here. These measures have been successfully implemented by countries wishing to withstand competition from the American audiovisual industry. The debate about trade in audiovisual services is permeated by the unstated assumption that these programs are pure commodities whose production, distribution, exhibition and in turn, values are solely determined by the market forces. It is therefore presumed that liberalization of trade in audiovisual services will benefit all, serving cultural pluralism and diversity as well as economic efficiency. However, this assumption is not shared by developing countries, the recipients of U.S. television material. They argue audiovisual sector requires a social and cultural approach, since it plays a key role in the preservation of people's identity and social bonds. They claim that it is the each state's right to define its media policy and to implement it through the means it considers fit. These clashing views over the nature of the audiovisual material and the ways in which protect cultural pluralism and diversity do not confine to be the realm of theoretical debate. Each state's interest and motivation to protect its local industry and to have a competitive advantage in the international market is working in this battle. Consolidation with the countries like Australia, Canada, and EU nations, in favour of cultural exemption, seems to be the best policy for us. However, we are not entirely free from the WTO pressures, considering relation to the U. S. This study analyzes Korean Broadcasting Law compared with those of other OECD countries and tries to propose some strategical guidelines facing WTO service negotiation in the area of broadcasting.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제25권
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제25권
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• pp.41-64
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• 2004

This study examined the impact of newspaper scale on the use of local government's news releases by local newspapers. Thus, to see the impact, the four local newspapers and the local government's news releases were content-analyzed. Further, through a depth interview, this study tried to understand local journalists' thoughts on using the news releases published by local government. This study hypothesized a negative relationship between the newspaper scale and the degree of the use of news release, between the scale and the dependent rate on the news releases, and proposed a positive relationship between the scale and the writing styles(neutral, negative, neutral, positive). The research results supported the first two hypotheses, and the third partially. Thus, the greater the newspaper scale, the higher the degree of the use of news release by local newspaper. And the greater the scale, the higher the dependent rate on the news releases. In addition, the smaller newspaper in the scale showed more positive and negative writing styles than the larger did. On the other hand, the larger newspaper tend to have more neutral writing style than the smaller did. The interviewee also indicated, in terms of newspaper scale, there was diverse perspectives on the use of news release.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제75권
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• pp.43-79
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• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제71권
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• pp.194-223
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• 2015

This study explores a value chain structure of TV program including news, drama, and comedy. The purpose of this research focused on factor analysis and the relationship among viewer's program selection motivations. This research explores correlation between personal value and viewing motivation. This study was to identify the value structure of respondent on TV program(news, drama, comedy) based on means-end chain theory. The research used structured APT laddering questions and 251 data was analysed. Through such analysis, category difference by stage and relationship difference were identified and hierarchical value map was compared. There are four different value ladders: first is attributes, functional consequences, psychological consequences, and final value. The result shows that on news program the basic function is viewers are want to visual factor and quickly acquire social news and they pursue a value of personal social relationship. Whereas, on drama program, the viewers are reflected by around person, and they selected a program based on closed related person. In addition, the viewers are influenced by program's social nomination, production's brand in drama, and performer's nomination, producer and program prominence on comedy. The program selection is highly correlated on program selection's credibility, vital energetic life, and social relationship. The results shows that there was no significant difference between low involvement group and high involvement group for main category involvement group respondents.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제71권
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제71권
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• pp.75-115
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• 2015

This study is to describe the meaning of associations at $5{\cdot}18$-related photographic portrait phenomenologically. Referent in the photography arouses different and unique type of associations. Moreover, it appears differently emotional experience by the associations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe types of associations and emotional experience about referents gained through $5{\cdot}18$ photography and to construct the meaning. It is based on concepts of primordial associations discussing in the phenomenology but this study was described the meaning of $5{\cdot}18$ the May 18th democratic uprising focusing on types of associations and meanings derived by direct experience from photography. According to this result, the viewpoint of $5{\cdot}18$ Democracy Movement approaches from objective academic system or cannot be withdrew as dynamics of the political ideology. It is that the fundamental and impulsive emotions from each individual who participated in the movement are affected. The fundament of the May 18th democratic uprising is based on their basis of life and the will to primitive power of a love & affective community.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제75권
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• pp.9-42
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• 2016

This study critically examines the social and personal meanings that luxury consumption have in contemporary Korean society through understanding the consumption experiences of men in their 30s. Interviews with nine male consumers who are committed to luxury brands, especially those that produce suits, watches, fountain pens, and shoes, were conducted to collect qualitative data. We found that participants are satisfied with the whole process of luxury brand consumption including buying, using, and managing and try to consume the products for self-expression, congruent with their lifestyle and identity. Individuals have learned how to consume the luxury brand from their role models. Their consumption follows hybrid and postmodern patterns and combines luxury brand products with non-luxury one. In contemporary Korean society, using the luxury products is considered necessary to achieve some advantages in social contexts and can be also functioned as a sort of social signifier and self-help, as well as, a tool for self satisfaction or well-being.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제71권
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• pp.33-51
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• 2015

In South Korea, the community building projects and so-called 'community businesses' are recently regarded as one of the popular issues for the local people and social activists. The project seems to be a miracle resolution for various social matters such as the deteriorating welfare, health care, security system and the worsening income problem, etc. But these promising social discourses and practices which encourage to build communities are not only constructing 'good governance' for the sound cooperation between the state and civil society, but also allowing government technologies to manage and regulate civil society and citizens. This irony of building community is not yet thoroughly considered. The aim of this article is to ask 'Is building community good for all of people?'; 'How does community guarantee the freedom of people who participate in?'. The reflection for community in South Korean Society has related to The May 18-community in Gwangju. The May 18-community is a keystone for understanding the ethos and pathos of community. This study tries to unravel the relation between the May Uprising and the idea of community throughout affects and hearts of participants. The lived experience and testimony of the people of Gwangju in May, 1980, reveals that community should not be in an order and an notion of security. Examining hearts of members of 'whatever community' in the May Uprising is essential to imagine a new form of community which incorporates liberation and freedom as its base.