• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.5-29
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• 2018

This paper aims at making an assessment about the first year of the Moon Jae-in government. President Moon was elected amid political insecurity over the impeachment of then-president Park Geun-hye. However, the Moon administration settled in fairly smoothly despite no transition period of presidential power. Political and economic stability was soon restored, and the tensions between the US and North Korea over the North's nuclear weapons program were, to some extent, managed along with the agreement of the North-South summit and the US-North Korea summit. Pyeongchang hosted the 2018 winter olympics and paralympics successfully. Moon continued very positive approval ratings of higher than 70%. However, he has something to be desired. His leadership seems to rely heavily on a limited number of close staff in the Blue House, alienating the governing the Minjoo Party of Korea. He should build better relationship with opposition parties particularly given a divided government. Rectification of the lingering negative practices should also produce institutional solutions. Above all, Moon should carefully watch out to prevent scandals over corruption and power abuse around him and his family, which would lead to a precipitous decline of the approval ratings and the abrupt weakening of the leadership.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.39-66
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.195-219
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• 2017

The distinctive character of a self-written epitaph is that it assumes one's own death. While containing the elements of an epitaph, it is distinctive in that it reveals motive of writing and scolds rather than praises one's own self. The motive for writing a self-written epitaph is two-fold. First, it seeks to tell the truth about one's own self. Second, it is a response to external shocks. The Educational Value of Self-written epitaph lies in leading the elderly to reflect on their lives today, and it bears the appearance of cooperative writing.

• Journal of Mushroom
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.9-14
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• 2003

To breed new superior strains, collected strains were characterized and then several white strains were selected as parents. Monokaryons from the parents were isolated and studied. All tested white strains showed same mating genotype. Growth rate of monokaryons were lower than collected dikaryons. New dikaryotic strains were derived from inbreeding method, which means mating between monokaryotic isolates from different white strains having same mating genotype. Some of them showed higher yields of fruitbody than their parents. Specially Fv 4-1 strain showed the best productivity. Furthermore some mating combination showed cytoplasmic effect, when they mated reciprocally.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2018

The history of decentralization and autonomy is the result of the struggle for democracy against the authoritarian central government. Before the imminent law amendment, there are many tasks for decentralization and citizen autonomy. Therefore, decentralization and autonomy are not given on their own but they must be taken from authoritarian and centralist power group which possesses exclusive interests. The decentralization and autonomy now enters into the stage of development. In 1960, the April 19 Revolution opened the era of democratic local autonomy and it was abolished by the military coup of May 16, Now, the era of the reform of the decentralization are coming. Decentralization and autonomy will evolve from the stage of quantitative expansion to the stage of qualitative leap. This paper proposes that the revision of decentralization be the strategic maximum, and that the independence of the local government personnel rights be the tactical minimum. This paper insists that the independence of personnel right in the local government can be a link with law amendment for decentralization. Local autonomy and decentralization are the main subjects of the amendment. Above all, clarifying this is the subject and method of this study, and the scope of the study.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.734-741
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• 2011

The beginning that the 'Obstruction of Justice' in the United States is commonly known to Korea is through the impeachment of former president W. J. Clinton in 1998. The 'Obstruction of Justice' in the federal law of the United States is comprehensively provided with a general and a particular rule laying emphasis on the obstruction of legal judiciary proceedings. But, according to the Korean Criminal Act and court decisions, there are no such system like the 'Obstruction of Justice' in the United States. In this result, in terms of the criminal-judicial system, some cases even telling a lies has more benefits than revealing the truth and it is discouraged to cooperate the achievement of judicial justice, which make difficulties in investigation and realizing real truth. For this reason, the Ministry of Justice in Korea makes efforts to introduce the 'Obstruction of Justice'. Nevertheless we should examine from all angles that the introduction of 'Obstruction of Justice' is indeed the alternative in our circumstances. Most of the discussions on the introduction of 'Obstruction of Justice' and also the revised bill of the Ministry of Justice are questions of 'False Statement of Suspect and Witness' for investigation of investigative agency, rather than for the introduction of a general rule on the 'Obstruction of Justice'. The introduction of 'False Statement of Suspect and Witness' for investigation of investigative agency needs to consider concern about human rights infringement and witness protection system should be reinforced in the first place. In other words, the introduction of 'False Statement of Suspect and Witness' for investigation process of investigative agency is undesirable now.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.223-235
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• 2000

Background: Liquid ventilation is associated with decreased inflammatory response in an injured lung. This study was performed to investigate if whether perfluorocarbon(PFC) can decrease chemokine expression in airway epithelial cells. Methods: A549 cells were used for airway epithelial cells and perfluorodecalin for PFC. To expose cells to PFC, lower chamber of Transwell$^{(R)}$plate was used. This study was performed in two parts. In the first part, we examined whether PFC could decrease chemokine expression in airway epithelial cells through inhibition of other inflammatory cells. Peripheral blood mononuclear cells(PBMC's) were isolated and stimulated with lipopolysaccharide(LPS, 10 ${\mu}g/mL$) for 24 hours with or without exposure to PFC. Then A549 cells were stimulated with conditioned media(CM) containing the culture supernatants of PBMC. After 24 hours, the expressions of interleukin-8(IL-8) and RANTES were measured. In the second part of the study, we studied whether PFC could directly suppress chemokine expression in airway epithelial cells. A549 cells were stimulated for 24 hours with interleukin-l$\beta$ and/or tumor necrosis factor-$\alpha$ with or without exposure to PFC, and then the chemokine expression was measured. Northern analysis was used to measure the mRNA expression, and ELISA was used for immunoreactive protein measurements in culture supernatant. Results: 1. IL-8 and RANTES mRNA expression and immunoreactive protein production were increased significantly by CM from LPS-stimulated PBMC in A459 cells compared to with CM from unstimulated PBCM (p<0.05), but exposure of PFC had no significant effect on either mRNA expression or immunoreactive protein expression. 2. IL-8 and RANTES mRNA expression and immunoreactive protein production were increased significantly by IL-1$\beta$ and TNF-$\alpha$ in A549 cells(p<0.05), but exposure of PFC had no significant effect on neither either mRNA expression nor immunoreactive protein production. Conclusion : Decreased chemokine expression of airway epithelial cells may not be involved in decreased inflammatory response observed in liquid ventilation. Further studies on possible mechanisms of decreased inflammatory response are warranted.