• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.16-37
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• 2015

As a result of analyzing the forming and the transformations of Seokjojeon Hall garden by linking it to the changes of Deoksugung Palace influenced by the social atmosphere, the Seokjojeon garden can be classified into four phases. The first phase starts from 1896 to 1914. Gyeongungung was built in the late 19th century(1896-1897) as an official palace and Junghwajeon Hall and Seokjojeon Hall was built for Gojong. J.M.Brown was in charge of the construction of Seokjojeon in the beginning but H.W.Davidson saw the end also set up the garden. In the process of forming the garden the incorporating of Dondeokjeon Hall and the demolishing of the west wing corridors of Junghwajeon Hall occurred. At this phase of the garden a statue of an eagle was put up in the garden but was soon taken down. The shape of the garden was quiet simple with a central axial pathway, a round assorted flower bed placed in front of Seokjojeon Hall. The second phase starts from 1915 to 1932 which lasted for 17 years. At the last years of the Great Han Empire the duties of Gungnaebu(宮內府) was transferred to Leewangjik(李王職) in 1911 and a research on the existing buildings was done by Jujeonkwa(主殿課) in 1915. According to the research drawings, the garden still maintained the axial pathway formed in the previous phase but the garden had an asymmetric form. The flower bed was formed in a round shape and an open-knot technique and boundary plantation was applied to the garden. The third phase starts from 1933 to 1937 and is the period when Seokjojeon Hall was made public. By the year of 1932 many buildings of Deoksugung Palace had been demolished in the preparation of the opening of Seokjojeon Hall as a permanent exhibition hall. The central axial pathway still remained in the new garden and added a pond with a turtle statue in the center. The fourth phase starts from 1938 until the liberation from Japan and is the period when Deoksugung Palace became a park. Yi Royal-Family Museum was built and linked to Seokjojeon Hall with a bridge and the garden transformed into a sunken garden. The garden adopted a fountain and a pagora. Despite the minor changes in the after years the garden still posses most of its form from the fourth phase. As we can see the current garden of Seokjojeon Hall is not the same as the initial garden and therefor the importance of this study lies in the fact that modifications to the statements regarding to Seokjojeon Hall garden should be made.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.85-96
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• 2013

Entrepreneurship courses and programs in Korean universities tend to increase steadily but seem to have some limitations. They are usually recognized as another domain of Business Administration. Entrepreneurship program is practical like Business Administration but should be much more interdisciplinary than that. Because Korean Entrepreneurship programs are in the early stage, they must be reinforced with factors such as education culture, faculties, curriculum and relationships with communities. This study aims to get some implications from Entrepreneurship programs have been run by universities in America in order to facilitate Entrepreneurship program in Korean universities. Based on 11 success factors found by our case universities' Entrepreneurship programs and Kauffman Campus, this study has drawn implications of critical success factors of Entrepreneurship programs as follow. First of all, because Entrepreneurship programs should focus on Entrepreneurship mind sets such as innovative idea generation and courage to overcome risk, it is more desirable that Entrepreneurship programs are introduced in all departments of universities such as Arts, Science and Engineering. These programs also need to take interdisciplinary approach and required to be opened from liberal arts course. In order to be sustained during all their academic careers, vision, mission and strategy for Entrepreneurship programs should be based on strong leadership and support of top leaders. Entrepreneurship culture of each university is also one of the most important success factors. Entrepreneurship programs not only as major programs but also as specific Entrepreneurship minors designed for departments such as Arts, Science and Engineering could be considered according to each university's situation. This study also suggest to make a motivation system for Entrepreneurship faculties, Ph d. programs for Entrepreneurship, communication network for Entrepreneurship programs and mentor system in community. To begin Entrepreneurship programs, it also needs to develop good education contents as many as possible. When it concerned with teaching method, project based 4 year program can be suggested to be effective and efficient. To introduce project based program that should be consistent till participants' graduation, university must prepare regulations to support team teaching, mentor and interdisciplinary cooperation. To dissipate the concept that Entrepreneurship is another version of management, this study support the idea that Entrepreneurship programs should be designed and run by independent and central-focused governance system, Entrepreneurship education center.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.57-65
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• 2012

This work attempted to study the properties of expression of ground, the composition of outlook and the implications of the connotative symbolic scenery throughout investigating the properties of expression content and method of the scenery, outlook, viewpoint, natural features for each drawing and intention of making 4 old maps, which had been made in the period of the Great Korean Empire and had been called 'Wansan-dohyoung(完山圖形),' 'Jogyeongdan- bigak-jaesil-dohyoung(肇慶壇碑閣齋室圖形),' 'Jeonju-geonjisan-dohyoung(全州乾止山圖形)' and 'Jogyeongmyo-gyounggijeon-dohyoung(肇慶廟慶基殿圖形),' and analyzing the correlation between their drawings. For this aim, observatory investigation by using a map, on-spot investigation, analysis involving the satellite images and internet were carried out with literature review simultaneously. The result of investigation could be sum up as follows. Gyounggijeon(1410), Jogyeongmyo(1771) and Jogyeongdan(1899), where are the core space to lay the historically firm foundation for securing the fact Jeonju is the home of the Royal Family of Joseon, had been built, fixed and extended for giving legitimacy to the Joseon Dynasty and a part of strengthening of royal authority. And these had played an important role of spiritual mainstay from early in the Joseon Dynasty to the era of the Great Korean Empire and had been managed and maintained continuously. It is grasped that the 4 maps consist of Sanhyuoungdo(山形圖; a kind of a mountain map), which is the map for showing a burial place of Lee Han(李翰), the founder of the Joseon Dynasty, and its auxiliary drawings and these had been drawn intensively to justify dignity and authority of the Imperial Family and the Emperor after the name of country was renamed the Great Korean Empire as a part of national undertaking. In detail, Wansan-doghyoung is the key map for announcing the existence of Jogyeong-myo, Gyounggijeon and Jogyeongdan in Jeonju and informing their locations and Geonjisan-dohyoung is the map of divination based on topography for highlighting the geomantic justification of the founder's mausoleum. Jogyeongdan-bigak-jaesil-dohyooung is the partial map detailing for Geonjisan-dohyoung. Jeonju-geonjisan-dohyoung and Jogyeongmyo-gyounggijeon-dohyoung had employed the binary reduced scale and the bird-eye view method and in the above maps, Geonji Mountain is the main mountain and these maps make an exaggeration of the main geographical features, centering Wangjabong and Euimyoso, unlike the real geographical features. Also, the other main geographical features, which are found in the burial place, are expressed in detail by changing the view. In the point of view of 1 set being consisted of 4 maps, 'Wansan-dohyoung' has the property not only as Gunhyoundo, which Gun and Hyoun mean a unit of the administrative district, respectively and Gynhyoundo is a kind of the map for recording their locations, but also as the map of showing their locations. On the other side, 'Jogyoungmyogyounggijeondohyoung' is a kind of lay-out drawing as a partially detailed map. In addition, it has been found out that 'Jeonju-geonjisan-dohyoung' and 'Jogyeongdan-bigak-jaesil-dohyoung' is not only Pungsu- hyounggukdo having the function of Sanhyoungdo but also a detail drawing. On the base of these properties, it is considered that the functionality as a serial map had been strengthened, unlike the existing old maps.

• Journal of The Korean Ophthalmological Society
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• v.59 no.12
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• pp.1142-1151
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• 2018

Purpose: We assessed the visual and anatomical outcomes, and the safety profile of long-term intravitreal anti-vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) injections (aflibercept, ranibizumab, and bevacizumab) given to treat neovascular age-related macular degeneration (NAMD). Methods: We analyzed medical records collected over 7 years of treatment-naive NAMD patients who received outpatient clinic-based intravitreal anti-VEGF injections. All were treated employing either "treat-and-extend" or "as needed" protocols at the discretion of the retinal specialist. The number of injections, adverse events associated with injection, and measures of visual acuity (VA), central foveal thickness (CFT), and intraocular pressure (IOP) were recorded. Results: Overall, we assessed 196 eyes of 196 patients (average age $68.6{\pm}9.6years$; 77 females). Patients received an average of $17.3{\pm}13.5$ injections over $78.0{\pm}16.5months$ of clinical follow-up. The initial mean VA (logMAR) was $0.75{\pm}0.58$ and the CFT was $349.7{\pm}152.6{\mu}m$. Both parameters exhibited maximal improvements at the 6-month visit (p < 0.05). However, the clinical outcomes worsened over the 7-year clinical course; the best-corrected visual acuity (BCVA) was $0.91{\pm}0.78$ and the CFT was $284.5{\pm}105.8{\mu}m$ at 7 years. The BCVA at 7 years was significantly correlated with the initial BCVA. IOP-related events increased 11-fold and anterior chamber reactions increased 3-fold over the years, but no significant complications such as endophthalmitis were recorded. Conclusions: The use of intravitreal anti-VEGF agents was associated with initial visual improvements over 6 months but did not prevent the worsening of NAMD over 5 years. The BCVA at the initial visit was a strong predictor of the final BCVA. A more intensive injection schedule might improve long-term outcomes.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.96-119
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• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.31-40
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• 1982

For the effective control of weeds in mechanically transplanted paddy field weeding effects of naproanide ${\alpha}$-(${\beta}$-naphthoxy) propion anilide], pyrazolate [4-2, 4-dichlorobenzoyl)-1, 3-dimethyl pyrazol-5-yl-p-tolune sulphanate], chlormethoxynil (2, 4-dichloro-phenyl-4-nitro-3-methoxy phenyl ether), SL-49 [1-3dimethyl-4(2, 4dichlorobenzoyl)-5-phenacyloxy pyrazole], ACN (3-chloro-2-amino-l, 4-naphthoquinone) either alone or in combination with butachlor (2-chlor-2, 6-diethyl-N-buthoxymethyl acetanilide) were compared. Pyrazolate and SL-49 were most effective for the control of Sagittaria pygmaea MIQ. and Potomogeton distinctus A. BENN. including most annual weeds. Weeding effect of butachlor alone was very high for annuals, good for Cyperus serotinus ROTTB. and poor for S. pygmaea and P. distinctus. But the weeding effect of the combination of butachlor and pyrazolate was stronger than that of butachlor alone and therefore this mixture was effective for S. pygmaea, P. distinctus and C. serotinus including all the annual weeds. The combination of butachlor and SL-49 showed the same tendency as the combination of butachlor and pyrazolate. Naproanilide was not effective for the control of Echinochlor crusgalli P. BEAUV and less effective for Monochoria vaginalis PRESL, but excellent for S. pygmaea. By mixing butachlor with naproanilide weeding, spectrum for annuals and S. pygmaea was much increased by that for P. distinctus and C. serotinus was not satisfactory. ACN was not satisfactory for the control of all the tested weeds but the weeding effect was increased in general by mixing with butachlor. Chlormethoxynil was excellent for the control of annual weeds but it has no effect on C. serotinus, S. pygmaea and P. distinctus showing some initial controling effect but these weeds regrew afterwards. The weeding activity of ACN increased in combination with butachlor and the residual activity was stronger than that of ACN alone. A light crop injury was found at the initial period after treatments in all treated plots. The yield from all treated plots except those from plots treated with ACN, butachlor and naproanilide were not significantly different from the band weeded plot.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.441-447
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• 1998

This study was performed to investigate the changes of amount of S. typhimurium during cooking processes using pork and japchae (a Korean food which is made from meat, vegetables and noodles), and to support a practical application to develop a hazard analysis critical control point (HACCP) model. The pork was purchased in a retail shop, cut ($0.5\;cm\;{\times}\;10\;cm\;{\times}\;10\;cm$, 25 g), tested for Salmonella contamination (results: negative), inoculated with S. typhimurium ($10^{7}\;CFU/g$), then treated in various conditions related to cooking. Mter thawing for 24 hours in various conditions, the number of S. typhimurium was increased to $10^{10}\;CFU/g$ at a refrigerated temperature ($4~10^{\circ}C$), and to $10^{21}\;CFU/g$ at room temperature ($22~29^{\circ}C$). Mter thawing in a microwave oven for 40 seconds, the number of S. typhimurium increased to $10^{8}\;CFU/g$. During the thawing period, the number of S. typhimurium increased over time. At the refrigerated temperature, the number of the bacteria was $10^{10}\;CFU/g$ after 24 hours, $10^{13}\;CFU/g$ after 48 hours, and $10^{20}\;CFU/g$ after 72 hours. At room temperature the number of bacteria reached $10^{11}\;CFU/g$ in 2 hours, $10^{15}\;CFU/g$ in 4 hours, $10^{16}\;CFU/g$ in 8 hours, $10^{18}\;CFU/g$ in 12 hours, and $10^{21}\;CFU/g$ in 24 hours. Mter cooking in a frying pan (150{\pm}7^{\circ}C$) for 3 minutes, the bacterial count was $10^{16}\;CFU/g$. After cooking in hot water for 20 minutes, the bacterial count was $10^{7}\;CFU/g\;at\;60^{\circ}C,\;10^{6}\;CFU/g\;at\;63^{\circ}C,\;and\;10^{4}\;CFU/g\;at\;65^{\circ}C$. The fried pork was mixed with cooked vegetables, noodles, sesame oil, sesame seeds, and seasonings to make Korean japchae. This process took $10{\pm}2$ minutes. The bacterial count in the japchae increased to $10^{7}\;CFU/g$ from the count of $10^{6}\;CFU/g$ of the fried pork before it was mixed with the other ingredients. These results indicate that the amount of S. typhimurium is effected by various different cooking processes. This study can suggest that pork should be cooked in water at over $65^{\circ}C$ for 20 minutes in order to prevent food poisoning, if the pork is contaminated with S. typhimurium. The presence of S. typhimurium in the raw pork is identified in an HA for japchae, and the primary CCP for japchae is inadequate cooking (cooking method and time/temperature). We need to standardize time-temperature-size and amount of pork in cooking japchae, because pork is usually cooked in ordinary frying pans when we make this food.