• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.46-65
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• 2014

This study, under the title of Daeungbojeon Hall of Bulyeongsa Temple, Uljin and the architectural technique of the architect, aimed to make a comprehensive speculation on Daeungbojeon Hall of Bulyeongsa Temple whose accurate construction year was confirmed in 1725. While existing studies dealt with it separately between construction and Buddhist art history this study attempted to sort out it in one perspective by means of comparison with compatible objects in the area. The results are as follows. 1st, by means of comparison of wall painting of Daeungbojeon Hall of Bulyeongsa Temple and other wall paintings of Gyeongsang-do Province, it was estimated to be created before and after 1725, the founding year of the building. 2nd, the stylobate of Daeungbojeon Hall is the only and unique case that Guibu was supported by the bottom. Such stylobate was estimated to be built in the early period of Goryeo stylobate of PostLintel Construction which was more simplified than that of the traditional unified Silla period considering specific techniques. Lastly, by means of comparison of the architectural technique of Daeungbojeon Hall of Bulyeongsa Temple with other temples in Gyeongsang-do Province, the characteristics of the building were found. In particular, the same architectural technique was confirmed by direct comparison of style with Yeongsanjeon Hall of Tongdosa Temple in 1714 which was constructed by the same architect.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.18-39
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• 2016

The study pertains to reviewing and discussing of the master plan of the main buildings in the palaces of Joseon Dynasty regarding on a Feng Shui concept that has been implemented on the palace axis that is originated from the main mountain. Gyeongbokgung (景福宮) Palace is located on the northwest coner of Hanyang (漢陽) and on the tip of the main mountain which is in contrast a quite distinguishable from the location of the Fobidden city in Beijing located in the middle of a vast basin. Changdeokgung (昌德宮) Palace as well is also located on the tip of Eungbong (鷹峯), a part of Samkaksan (三角山) mountain, of which the locations were designed for the palaces to receive the benevolent force from the main mountain. The same concept was also applied to appointing the ideal location of the maJor buildings such as Jungjeon (正殿: The throne hall), Pyunjeon (便殿: The king's office) and Chimjeon (寢殿: The king and queen's residence) in the palace that must receive the benevolent force from the qui stream also originated from the main mountain, as such that the buildings have in close relationship with the king. Amisa (蛾眉砂) had been considered as an important geographical milestone of the estate where the palace is located, especially as the guiding landmark for other buildings that must be on the land axis. The land axis with the Amisa as the starting point attributed the Feng Shui as an important measure that determines the location and the shape of other buildings. The buildings location was appeared as having the conceptual buildings location as 'front office-back bedroom building (前朝後寢)' and 'three gates-three sectors (三問三朝)' as per the Rites of Zhou (周禮). On both palaces, Amisa is located on the benevolent point of the land, and the king's bed room buildings are located near the Amisa. The main offices were located on the south of the king's bed room buildings. By practicing this type of concept, consequently the king can receive the pure benevolent force first. In the case of the clearly distinguished locations of the buildings in Gyeongbokgung Palace, Chimjeon, Pyunjeon and Jungjeon were located on the same main qui stream. However, in Changdeokgung Palace where scattered qui stream is observed, the buildings are located on the scattered qui stream. The study found that the type of location of Jungjeon receives least amount of benefit from the Feng Shui but reflects primarily the king's authority rather than order and formality of the space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.246-263
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• 2019

The stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple at Bukhansan in Goyang, Gyeonggi Province, is an excellent example of stone Buddha statues created in the late 15th century. On the base of the figure, there is an inscription, which informs that it was produced in 1497. In recognition of this significance, it was recently designated as a tangible cultural asset in Gyeonggi-do. Thus, this paper tried to evaluate the value of the statue by analyzing iconography and style. The characteristics of a typical 15th-century style that the Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple shows are the form of ushnisha, the way clothes are worn, the form of a w-shaped chest muscle, and the simple lotus pedestal. On the other hand, the elongation of the waist and the disappearance of the waistband on undergarments are new forms of Buddha statues in the 16th century. Besides, parting the hair in the middle of the head and leaf-shaped short ribbon draped on undergarments are unique features that only appear on the statue of Sangunsa Temple. Sangunsa has been known to be built in the early 18th century based on Bukanji compiled by Seongneung in 1745, and Bongeunbonmalsaji composed in 1943. However, the statue was created in the late 15th century, before the establishment of the temple in the early 18th century. Therefore, this paper briefly reviewed the history of Sangunsa Temple, focusing on the initial period, referring to the historical sites and the relics that were passed on to the temple, as well as the literature records. The data newly referred to in the study are as follows: Sangunsa Stone Pagoda, presumed to be from the Goryeo Dynasty; the Stone Buddha Statue of Sangunsa; Wooden Amita Triad Buddha Statue of Sangunsa. According to the data and contrary to previously-held beliefs, Sangunsa Temple is believed to have been operating since the Goryeo Dynasty. It can be inferred through analysis of the stone Buddha statue of Sangunsa Temple that the size of the Temple before the 18th century was not very large.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.116-139
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• 2017

Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2011.05a
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• pp.37-37
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• 2011

태풍 루사나 매미에 의한 피해사례를 보면 하천 횡단 구조물 본체가 파괴되는 피해 뿐 만 아니라, 구조물과 제방과의 연결부가 세굴되어 붕괴되는 사례가 많이 발생하였다. 하천설계기준(2009)에는 이러한 보와 제방의 연결부 부분을 연결호안이라 하여 관련 기준을 제시하고 있으나, 설치구간의 길이를 정할 때 하천의 규모나 하도의 특성을 고려하지 못하고 일률적으로 결정하도록 하고 있다. 이에 건설기술연구원에서는 상류 Froude 수와 보 높이를 변수로 하는 연결호안 설치 길이에 대한 실험식(2006)을 제시하였다. 하지만 보 접속부 세굴에 영향을 주는 인자는 상류의 Froude 수와 보의 높이 뿐만 아니라, 상 하류 수위차, 보의 형상, 제방의 재료적 특성 등 많은 요인들이 존재한다. 이 중 본 연구에서는 상 하류 수위차와 보 접속부 세굴 범위의 관계를 파악하고자 한다. 보 접속부 세굴에 대한 수치모의에 앞서 Gill(1972)와 Dongol(1990)이 수행하였던 교대세굴 자료를 바탕으로 Flow-3D의 세굴에의 적합성 및 적용성을 검토하였다(그림 2참고). 검토 결과 수치모의의 입력 변수를 조정함으로써 실험값과 가깝게 나타나는 것을 확인하였다. 이렇게 조정된 변수를 이용하여, 보 접속부 세굴에 대한 수치모의는 상 하류의 수위차에 대해 다양한 검토를 하기 위해 상류의 수위를 1.0m로 고정한 채하류부의 수위를 0.2~0.8m까지 0.1m간격으로 변화시켰으며, 유사의 대표 입경은 0.63mm로 주문진 표준사를 가정하였다. 모의 시간은 평형세굴심이 발생할 때까지 수행하였고, 난류모델로는 LES(Large Eddy Simulation)를 채택하였다. 모의 결과 상 하류 수위차가 증가할수록 보 하류부 세굴 길이($L_d$)가 증가 하였으며, 세굴의 폭($B_d$) 역시 증가하였다. 그림 3은 수치모의 결과로 세굴이 발생된 제방의 모습을 도시한 것이다.

• The Journal of Korean Obstetrics and Gynecology
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.199-213
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• 2006

Purpose : This study was aimed to investigate the inhibitory effect of Sparganii Rhizoma on the proliferation of human uterine leiomyoma cells and the expression of gene related the mechanism of cell apoptosis. Methods : This study was evaluated the number of death cells treated with indicated concentration of Sparganii Rhizoma and investigated cell death rate by MTS assay. Furthermore, fluorescence-activated cell sorter analysis and DNA fragmentation assay were used to dissect between necrosis and apoptosis. and then we observed the differential gene expression by western blot analysis. Results :1) The inhibitory effect on the growth of uterine leiomyoma cell treated with Sparganii Rhizoma was increased in a dose dependent manner. 2) As the result of FACS analysis, subG1 phase incrase was observed 23.49% inuterine leiomyoma cell treated with Sparganii Rhizoma at $500\;{\mu}g/ml$ compared to control.. 3) The gene expression of p53, p21 related cell apoptosis was increased according to increasing concentration but p27 was none exchanged. 4) The expression of cyclin A, D and E was decreased in a concentration proportional and then the dephosphorylation of pRb was increased. 5) The character of apoptosis, DNA fragmentation was significantly observed according to increasing concentration. 6) The expression of pro-caspase3 were decreased dependent on treatment concentration and activated PARP took place. Conclusion : The inhibitory effect of Sparganii Rhizoma on the proliferation of human uterine leiomyoma cells was observed with apoptosis and cell cycle arrest. These data suggest that Sparganii Rhizoma might be candidate of medical therapy for uterine leiomyoma.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.86-109
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• 2009

Mireuksa Temple was founded during the reign of King Mu of Baekje(AD 600-641). The circumstance of the construction of this temple is documented in "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa)". The pagoda named stone pagoda at Mireuksaji temple stands outside the main sanctuary of the western area. The south and west sides of the stone pagoda have completely collapsed, leaving only the eastern facade of six of its levels intact. Through the recent discovery of sarira reliquary we can see that the erection of this pagoda was in 639. So owing to accumulation of excavation results about Baekje temple site and vigorous academic exchange, it is possible that architecture of western pagoda at Mireuksaji temple can be understood in connection with the architectural development of wooden pagoda from 6th to early 7th century in East Asia. So this study is on the consideration of building of this pagoda putting first structure of upper part and cross-shaped space in 1st floor. It was considered that the material characteristics as stone could be applied to the temple pagoda architecture of large scale. The results are as follows. First, it had been built in recognition that the outer and inner part of pagoda should be separated. As it is the expression of structural system in temple pagoda architecture of large scale at that time. In pagoda there was a self-erected structure and the members of outer part of it were constructed additionally. Second, in Mireuksaji stone pagoda there is central column with stones. With inner part of pagoda it can be regarded as mixed structural system that constitutes central contral column and inner structural part. And it could be a kind of middle step to more developed structure of whole as wooden pagodas in Japan. Third, as the sarira reliquary was in central column on the first floor, the cross-shaped space could be made. The formation of this space was so on the natural meaning of sarira that the concept as memorial service of graves could be apllied to the pagoda. The style of tomb in Baekje was expressed to the space of 1st floor in pagoda where Sarira had been mstalled. That was not only effective presentation of symbolic space but also easier method in the use of same material.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.