• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.225-260
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• 2012

The poetry of Haseo Jo Gyeong is first characterized by its fantasy content with mysterious and strange beings such as mountain wizards, gods of flowers, ghosts, Jujos and dragons. Such works imply the huge gap between his political ideal of Neo-Confucianism and the reality of society and are expressions of his resulting sorrow. Of course, he did not just look at reality pessimistically. Like other Neo-Confucianism scholars, he used the symbol of "spring" in his poems, which indicates that he did have optimistic belief in the world in spite of despair. In his poems, the symbol of "spring" implies the political world where the noble man grabbed the power and the sinister groups were extracted or the world where the political ethics of Neo-Confucianism was implemented. His works depicting the essence of natural objects, mountains, and rivers exhibit the characteristics of his poetry more clearly. He described the law of the universe behind natural objects and the vibrant aspects of natural objects by depicting their movements in a clear and sharp manner. Unlike the old Neo-Confucianism scholars that often created poems on the topic of acquirement of natural law and nature, he expanded his poetic world in a direction of revealing the secrets of objects. His works describing the spirit of mountains and rivers are especially noteworthy in that they implied a life attitude of moving forward in an deteriorating world bravely by manifesting strong and dynamic power. Paying attention to the secrets of natural objects, Haseo displayed his life ideal in richer ways by painting the new forms of ume flowers. Unlike the old ume flowers poems in the past, his ume flowers poems present ume flowers as ascetics that obtained truth, men of virtue that inspired contemporary people, or retired gentlemen that revealed the profound secrets of nature. While it is unique that he manifested the forms of ume flowers in ascetics and men of virtue while perceiving the dark reality of society, it is more noteworthy that he described ume flowers as the beings revealing the profound secrets of nature. It was the expression of his yearning for an innocent personality and his fear for losing the personality, clearly depicting a human form of his ego. He created a more human and realistic personality ideal by embracing the contemporary thinking based on the profound secrets of nature in his Dohak poetry[道學詩], which is a significant achievement in that it showed new changes to Dohak poetry in the 18th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.63-88
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• 2009

This paper was a quest of pattern of holding "Dae Hak - the Great Learning" during Joseon Period having investigated the characteristics of the Essentials of the Studies of the Sages(聖學輯要, Seong Hak Jibyo) that was compiled by Lee I was a reinterpretation of the Great Learning, and also academic enrichment. During the period of Joseon Dynasty, the Great Learning had held the most important position as core scripture in the intellectual society that pursued Seong Hak(聖學, sage learning). Throughout the Joseon Period, the Great Learning was the essential text for the Emperorship Learning(帝王學, Jewang Hak) as well as Seong Hak, and it can also be said that Seong Hak Jibyo compiled by Yulgok - the courtesy name of Lee I, was the comprehensive collections thereof. While compiling Seong Hak Jibyo, Yulgok presented a model of Seong Hak of Joseon, which was based on "the Great Learning". Yul Gok organized the system of "Seong Hak Jibyo" largely in five parts, and properly arranged the Three Cardinal Principles(三綱領, samgangryeong) and Eight Articles or Steps(八條目, paljomok) therein. Particularly, in the Chapter Two, "Cultivating Oneself(修己, sugi)", Yulgok deal with 'being able to manifest one's bright virtue'(明明德, myeong myeong deok) among the Three Cardinal Principles as the core curriculum, meanwhile, Yulgok also covered "Investigation of things, gyeongmul(格物)," "Extension of knowledge, chiji(致知)," "Sincerity of the will, Seongui(誠意)," "Rectification of the mind, Jeongshim(正心)," "Cultivation of the personal life, susin(修身)," among Paljomok(eight steps) as the ultimate purpose of 'Stopping in perfect goodness'(止於至善, jieojiseon) These well preserve the principal system of Confucianism where "Cultivating oneself and regulating others (修己治人, sugichiin)" are core value, and his instructions as such also back up academic validity logically by presenting specific guidelines for practice according to each domain. Reinterpretation of "The Great Learning" by Yulgok in Seong Hak Jibyo is an arena to investigate the characteristics of Confucianism in Joseon Period, which was different from that of China, furthermore, such guidelines might take a role as criteria to understand the characteristics of humans and learning possessed by Korean people.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.357-392
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• 2012

An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.54-69
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• 2021

In 2020, civilized society's overall lifestyle showed a distinct change from consumable analog media, such as paper, to digital media with the increased penetration of cloud computing, and from wired media to wireless media. Based on these social changes, this work examines whether the use of computer media in the field of landscape architecture is appropriately applied. This study will give directions for new computer media classes in landscape architectural education in the 4th Industrial Revolution era. Landscape architecture is a field that directly proposes the realization of a positive lifestyle and the creation of a living environment and is closely connected with social change. However, there is no clear evidence that landscape architectural education is making any visible change, while the digital infrastructure of the 4th Industrial Revolution, such as Artificial Intelligence (AI), Big Data, autonomous vehicles, cloud networks, and the Internet of Things, is changing the contemporary society in terms of technology, culture, and economy among other aspects. Therefore, it is necessary to review the current state of the use of computer technology and media in landscape architectural education, and also to examine the alternative direction of the curriculum for the new digital era. First, the basis for discussion was made by studying the trends of computational design in modern landscape architecture. Next, the changes and current status of computer media classes in domestic and overseas landscape education were analyzed based on prior research and curriculum. As a result, the number and the types of computer media classes increased significantly between the study in 1994 and the current situation in 2020 in the foreign landscape department, whereas there were no obvious changes in the domestic landscape department. This shows that the domestic landscape education is passively coping with the changes in the digital era. Lastly, based on the discussions, this study examined alternatives to the new curriculum that landscape architecture department should pursue in a new degital world.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-110
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• 2022

This study investigates the production and use, development of Buncheongsagisang-gamunryongmunho, focusing on Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) in the early the Joseon Dynasty. The Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) which is the size of a large bottle as high as 50cm is a form of stability to have gorgeous decorativeness with the inlaid and stamped pattern. The Buncheongsagisanggamunryongmunho is the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) used for Flower Vessels(花樽) at Royal Ritual in King Sejong(世宗) era. In the 1420s and 1430s, made in Premium ceramic factory of Sangju-mok, it is Blue and white porcelain in reference to dragon and cloud patterns in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties in aspects of shapes and patterns, to the inlaid Celadon in the period of Late Goryeo Dynasty in aspects of patterns, and to Joseon porcelain in aspects of shapes and decoration techniques. The Joseon Royal family found out the appropriateness of the founding of the dynasty and the base for the system of civilization from Ming dynasty, to follow Ming dynasty by choosing white porcelains as the King's vessel. Jars passed down from Emperor Ming served as a standard for Royal Ritual Jars, to use Blue and White Porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns as Flower Vessels(花樽) and Liquor Vessels(酒樽) for ages. Consequently, the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) as Royal Ritual Jar had been used till 1430's when Blue and white porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(靑花雲龍白磁酒海) was passed down from Emperor Ming, Xuande Emperor(宣德帝), only to lose its Meaning and Use as the Royal Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) during the early Joseon Period gradually.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.39-71
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• 2020

Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.343-355
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• 2022

This study investigated the consumption tendency and awareness of paprika in order to expand and promote the consumption of Capsicum annuum L. The research investigated the relationship of preference and loyalty based on emotional response of paprika according to the semantic differential scale. The survey was conducted from January to February 2022 using a random sampling method targeting 155 general people, and a total of 142 questionnaires were analyzed excluding 13 wrong answers. The nine items on the awareness of paprika showed to be consisted of three factors such as 'Food taste', 'Usability', and 'Economics' by factor analysis. Regarding to the awareness of paprika the positive answer that 'I think paprika is good for health' among the nine questions was the highest at 92.3%. In the preference aspect of shape, blocky type had the highest preference for the shape of paprika, followed by mini and conical types in order of preference (p < 0.001). As for color preference, yellow paprika was the most preferred, followed by orange, red, and green, showing statistical significance. The emotional response of paprika by paprika image showed a statistically significant difference in the four colors. The words such as 'bright', 'clean', and 'spirited' appeared as representative emotional vocabulary for paprika. Multiple regression analysis was performed to examine the effect of paprika on the three factors of awareness, preference, and loyalty due to the quality of life. As a result, the higher the paprika preference and quality of life, and the higher the taste and availability factors, the higher the paprika awareness and loyalty. As the variable that has the most influence on the loyalty of the survey respondents, preference was found to have the highest explanatory power at 43%. From these results, it was judged as a very important factor in the survey on the shape and color preference of paprika. Therefore, the recent increase in awareness that paprika is good for health is thought to act as a positive factor in revitalizing the domestic market and increasing consumption of paprika in the future. Also, among the three types of paprika, the yellow blunt type showed the highest preference. Therefore, in order to produce and promote this type of paprika, it is also important to increase the cultivation to suit the purchasing propensity of consumers.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.24-33
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• 2022

The travel notes and nature poems found in historic literary men's works can be considered historical records related to scenic sites. Such travel notes and nature poems are based on the writers' personal characters, experiences, learning and etc. Such works clearly show the characters of each literature, information of the related objects and the writers' thoughts of the objects. This study, thus, looked into Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that could be the origin of Eobusa(漁父詞) loved and sung by Korean historic literary men, and found that the Korean and Chinese literary men's thoughts were shown through their ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain and their Euisang on the mountain, which was different between the Korean and Chinese literary men depending on the geographical locations described in their poems. In detail, the study results are: 1. Such difference of the ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain, the scenic site described in historic Korean and Chinese literary men's work is broadly classified into the ways to enjoy the scenic site by seeing it in person and the ways to enjoy it under the mental structure of speculation. 2. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wuxing is the background of Yújiāzi(漁家子) of the painting Zhāngzhìhé, is boasting its distinguished beautiful nature, and is the place where the Confucian Study of Hú(湖學) was originated. It is also the place known of its warmhearted climate. Therefore, Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain under such beautiful and warmhearted circumstance are realized as the complete freedom and seclusion in Taoism and the satisfaction with the given environment and position in Confucianism. 3. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng is a military strategic point with rugged mountain terrain and scenery that has been a historic ferocious battlefield and related with the loyal civil servant Qū Yuán. The Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng, therefore, represents the nature scenery of a rugged fortress and patriotism of Confucianism. 4. The Korean literary men's way to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain is Shinyu(神遊: spiritual travel), so that their Euisang is formed according to the direction of the writer's values. Especially it is noted that Korean Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain is originally based on the painting Zhāngzhìhé that shows the complete free mood of Taoism; and the Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that came from the mindful image by the poet monk Qíjǐ of Tang dynasty and Kim Si-seup appears with such Buddhist ways to seek the truth as SakGongIlYeo(色空一如: Being full is essentially as same as being vacant) and GyeonSeongSeongBul(見性成佛: Everybody can become Buddha by enlightenment).