• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.36-48
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• 2010

The objectives of this study are to research and analyze the positioning of Mt. Back Hwa(白華山) and the characteristics of its neighboring cultural scenery based on the Two Seated Buddah Temple, a small Buddhist temple of Taeul in Taean and to view both landscape geographic codes and religious attractions over Mt. Back Hwa by discussing its expression and meaning for the scenery scattered or nested over this districts. The panoramic view of west shows the character of Mt. Back Hwa as a magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy which is viewed as a view point field no less than its location as a landscape target and its singularity as a rocky mountain. The ancient castle, signal beacon post and the small Buddhist temple of Taeul to be read importantly in the old map and SinjeungDongkukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) form the core of place identity, and a number of carve(engrave) letters such as Eopungdae(御風臺), Youngsadae(永思臺), etc. show the prospect of this mountain and monumentality derived from place characteristics. In addition removing of Taeiljeon, a portrait scroll of Dangun, national ancestor makes possible to guess the national status hold by Mt. Back Hwa in advance and to know that it has symbiotic relationship with indigenous religion and shares with the universal locality which have been continued for a long time through a portrait scroll of Dangun enshrined in Samsunggak. More than anything else, however the Rock-carved Buddha Triad in Taean, Giant Buddha of Baekjae era enshrined in the small Buddhist temple of Taeul is not only why Mt. Back Hwa, magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy exists but also a signifier. In spite of such a placity, the union ideas of confucianism, buddhism and doctrinism of buddhism prevailed in the Late Joseon Dynasty allows the cultural phenomenon of taoism to be read in the same weight through Ilsogae(一笑溪) and Gammodae(感慕臺) which are mountain stream and pond area respectively centered in the carve letter, 'Taeeuldongcheon(太乙洞天)' constructed in front of the small Buddhist temple of Taeul, the Baduk board type of rock carvings engraved over them and a number of traces of carve letters made by confucian scholars since the Middle of Joseon Dynasty. The reason such various cultural sceneries are mixed in Mt. Back Hwa is in the results of inheritance of religious places and fusion of sprit of the times, and the various type of cultural scenery elements scattered in Mt. Back Hwa are deemed as unique geographic code to understand the multi-layered placity and the characteristics of scenery of Mt. Back Hwa in Taean.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.239-264
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• 2018

Chosun regime, when it replaced the predecessor of Koryo, had to create political ideological system for new integration of the people. The new system, based on Confucianism, replaced religious values of Buddhism with educational ones. In this educational-ideological system, educational objects were mostly limited in character education's. Its goal was 'restoration of good nature'. For the principal agent of educational process, teacher had the initiative. These traits of educational system can be understood as an 'nature-unfolding perspective' or 'formal discipline perspective'. Moreover, the idea of 'teacher shall be served like prince' seems to be ground of political authoritarianism. In this respects, political traits of traditional education system can be restraining elements for developing independent individuality and free citizenship among Korean people. However, traditional teacher was not only authoritarian trainer. As 'a follower of truth and good', he was equal to his disciples. Teacher learned by teaching them. Students could be colleagues of their teacher. And the main traits of traditional education, focusing character development and community consciousness, are still important, in particular, to modern Korean educational and societal environment wanting in humane and participating citizenship.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.185-222
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• 2014

Nog-Moon Yim Seong-Joo(녹문 임성주) is a philosopher of late Choseon Dynasty of the 18th Century. He concluded that the debates between the school of Ho and that of Rack originated from the seclusion of Li(理) and Ki(氣), and theorized the new Li and Ki theory according to his own perspective. The prime point of Nog-Moon's Philosophy is said to be Li-Ki dongshil(理氣同實), Mind and Nature ilchi(心性一致) ; he proves his prime potints based on his pure and clean Ki substance. Thus Li-Ki is reduced to monism from dualism, and Mind-Nature(心 性) is reduced to mind. Since the basis of the existence of Mind is Ki(氣), Nog-moon's theory of Substance is concluded to be Ki-monism. Nog-Moon presents his great philosophy of Ki monism suggested by Jeong Myeong-Do's monistic methodology; he explains the universality of Substance and the diversity of Phenomenon with the logical structure of ilwonbunsu(一原分殊). The characteristics of Nog-Moon's philosophy is that ilwon(一原) and bunsu(分殊) are bonnyeon(本然) identical, which means Substance and Function(體用) are identical, or bonmalilchi(本末一致). It means Mind and Nature are bonnyeon(本然) identical, Ki and Mind and Nature are identical. With the expression of seongrihak (性理學) Gijil(氣質) is not different from bonnyeon(本然). Therefore 1 define the philosophy of Nog-Moon had been built on the context of a sage.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.345-377
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• 2017

Jang Hyeongwang is one of the leading scholars since the era of Toe'gye and Yulgok in Korean Confucianism. Thus, this paper will summarize his schooling, i.e., education in local school(Hyanggyo), specific activities, and the meaning of moral education. Although Toe'gye and Yulgok recognized the problems of local school and their indictment revealed in 16th century, they sought different solutions to overcome the issues. Toe'gye paid attention to establishment of local academy(Seowon) and strengthening its stature in order to renew Confucian education while Yulgok kept an eye on reformation of local school as government educational institution for revitalizing schooling, fostering the talented and establishing moral discipline. In this context, I will summarize Yeoheon's perspective on schooling in terms of the difference with Toe'gye and Yulgok's ideas. Especially, I will analyze his problematique paying attention to restoration of moral order in local communities devastated since Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and how it makes connection with local education and its implication. Furthermore, I will systematically examine the educational regulation of Indong local school(Indong Hyanggyo) he proposed and what its contents and real body he intended. In addition to these, I will suggest how much Yeohon's ideas on local education are meaningful in moral education and what kind of insightful things they would give us in current educational environments.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.67-75
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• 2017

The culture of Gugok (九曲) and Dongcheon (洞天), which tries to reach the ideological culmination in Confucianism, was widespread throughout the Joseon dynasty. This was an extension of the spirit of studying and honoring Zhu Xi (學朱子, 尊朱子); thereby, Confucian scholars in Joseon expressed the will to follow the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱子) and comforted themselves that they were in the course of attaining the truth. As a realization of this expression of will, scholars designated and operated various scenic sites as Gugoks, following the example of Zhu Xi's Mui Gugok (武夷九曲), and Dongcheons, as a representation of the utopia. These designations are widespread nationwide, with around sixty Gugok locations that have now been reported in academia. However, the actual number of Gugoks exceeds this number, and many of them are currently not identified concerning the exact locations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the locations of Gugoks and Dongcheons scattered around Seoul, Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions. For the coordinates of Gugoks and Dongcheons, this study referred to the literature, web search and the books published by local cultural institutes. Based on the collected information, the researchers conducted field trips to investigate whether the record exists as a real location and, if so, acquired their coordinates. This study also provides the tables of Gugok or Dongcheon that only exists in the imagination, existed before but now are lost, or are inaccessible. Eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Gugok. Among them, Gogun Gugok and Okgye Gugok have relatively clear locations and records. Byeokgye Gugok and Suhoe Gugok, on the other hand, has many locations and titles overlapped, and their established time and managers are unclear. As for Ui Gugok in Seoul, it is known to be set by Hong Yangho, but some parts of its locations are confirmed, others are in dispute, and many locations are damaged. Thirty-eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Dongcheon. There are sixteen Dongcheons in Seoul area. Among them, those including Dohwa Dongcheon, Yangsan Dongcheon, and Ssangnyu Dongcheon actually exist but are forbidden to be accessed. There are thirteen Dongcheons in Gyeonggi area. The exact location of Onsu Dongcheon cannot be confirmed because of the development; Gwirae Dongcheon has historical records, but the actual existence cannot be confirmed. There are nine Dongcheons in Gangwon area. The researcher judged that Hwaeum Dongcheon is the misspelled record of Hwaeumdong Jeongsaji (華陰洞精舍址), which is located at the upstream of Gogun Gugok.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.30.1-30.1
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• 2018

일제 강점기를 지난 후 광복을 맞았지만, 전란의 폐허 속에 개설된 대학의 천문학과의 관측 시설들은 전문한 상태였다. 필자가 학부 재학 중이던 6-70년대까지도 시 시공(時空)의 흐름은 필요한 것을 직접 만들어 사용할 수밖에 없는 시대로 몰아가고 있었다. 당시를 회고 하며 지금까지 걸어 온 "천문기기 제작 연구의 삶"을 회고하고자 한다. 대학 재학 시절 교수님의 도움으로 막스토브 망원경을 제작하고, 40cm 카세그레인 망원경 등 광학계의 원리와 특성연구를 통해 부품 조립을 수행할 수 있었다. 태양 흑점관측을 위한 10cm 굴절 망원경의 투영시설을 고안하여 6개월 동안 관측하였지만. 석사 논문을 위해 광전측광 관측시스템을 제작하여 식쌍성 관측을 수행하였다. 그 결과 한국의 시설로 UBV 광도곡선 완성하여 1975년 가을 천문학회에서 발표하였다. 1976년 2월 국립천문대 천문계산연구실에 발령 받고 역서편찬 업무를 담당하면서 소백산 60cm 망원경 최종 설치를 끝내고, 천문대(현 역삼동 과총회관 빌딩) 옥상에 2m 규모의 목재 돔을 설계 제작하고 일반인들을 위한 대중천문 활동을 시작하였다. 재직 중에 항상 한국의 열악한 천문시설의 상황을 실감하고 20대를 마감하면서 퇴직하여 "한국천문기기 연구소"라는 명칭으로 천체 돔을 설계하고, 돔 제작기계를 개발하였다. 망원경만 보관 중인 국내 4개 대학에 돔을 납품 한 후 연세대학교 천문대의 직경 6m 스텐레스 돔을 제작하였다. 아울러 연세대 천문대 60cm망원경을 설치하면서 이 곳에 입사하여 관측 장비개발 연구와 관측에 전념하게 되었다. 재직 기간 중 대학의 배려로 카나다 국립천문대(DAO) 방문연구원으로 1.8m 망원경으로 식쌍성들의 분광관측을 수행하여 시선속도곡선을 완성하였고, 체류 중에 스텝들과 국내에서 사용할 60cm용 첨단 분광기를 설계하였으나 대학에 재원이 없어 제작을 못한 아쉬움이 남는다. 1989년 2월 충북대학교 천문우주학과에 부임하면서 열악한 상황이지만 교육과 연구 장비로 20cm와 35cm 소형 망원경의 디지털 광전측광시스템으로 간이 천문대를 설치하여 운영하였다. 학과 설립 10 주년(1998년)을 맞아 40cm 망원경과 6m 돔을 설치하여 교내천문대가 완공되었다. 2000년이 되면서 대중 천문활동 을 위해 이동 천문대를 제작하여 4륜 자동차에 견인하여 여러 지역을 찾아 관측과 강연 활동 등 학과의 대중천문 활동의 특성을 살리는 계기를 만들게 되었다. 학과 설립 20주년(2008년)을 맞으면서 충북 진천에 16개 자동분할 개폐식 스릿의 9m 돔 안에 1m 망원경을 원격관측 시설을 완비하여 대학 본부의 기관으로 충북대학교천문대를 개관하고 관측시설을 완비하였다. 우리의 전통적인 세종시대 천문시설은 당대 최대의 시설이지만 당시 유물들이 모두 소실되어 현존하는 것이 하나도 없음은 실로 아쉬움이 큰 것이었다. 누군가는 그 구조, 형태, 원리, 기능, 사용방법 등을 밝히고 복원을 시도해야 할 시급함이 있었다. 문헌을 통해 1991년부터 학부졸업 논문으로 "고천문 의기(儀器) 복원연구" 분야의 발표를 시작하였다. 그 결과를 통해 세종탄신일에 영릉에서 숭모제 행사 후 그 곳에서 수년간 세종시대 고천문의기 한가지씩 작동모델을 복원하여 제막식을 거행하였다, 유물복원 회사 (주)옛기술과 문화 와 함께 팀을 이루어 매년 제작할 종목을 준비하게 되었다. 간의(簡儀)를 복원한 후에는 일성정시의, 소간의, 앙부일구, 정남일구, 석각천문도, 혼천의, 혼상, 각종 해시계 등 매년 지속적으로 복원되어 큰 규모의 야외 전시장이 완성되었다. 작동모델 설계연구팀의 자문과 제작팀과의 팀웍으로 이룬 성과인 것이다. 한번 시작품이 발표된 모델들은 국내 과학관과 박물관, 천문관에서 후속 모델을 설치하였다. 한국천문연구원과 부산 동래읍성 내에 장영실 과학 동산은 간의와 혼상을 비롯한 각종 해시계들을 설치한 큰 규모의 야외 전시장이다. 조선의 명망 높은 유학자들이 인격적인 하늘을 살펴보았던 혼천의와 일만원권에 그려 있는 국보 230호 자명종 혼천시계(일만원권의 그림)의 작동 모델을 제작하였다. 이와 같은 연구 결과들은 석사과정 박사과정을 통하여 더 심층적인 연구들이 발표되었고, 각종 조선(한국)의 천문의기(天文儀器) 연구 자료들은 연구팀들을 통해 중국과 일본 등 해외에서도 발표되었다. 지금까지 복원된 유물들이 완성되기까지는 참여한 많은 연구원들과 제작팀들이 합심하여 각자의 역할을 수행하여 최종 작동모델들이 하나 둘 완성되는 것이었다. 이것은 참으로 보람된 일이었고, 은퇴 후 지금은 재능기부자로서 즐거운 삶을 이어 갈수 있게 되었다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.145-171
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• 2017

This study aims to clarify the meaning of the Anapji which was one of the scenic places of historical interest during Silla Dynasty and of the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which was one of the greatest seven miracles (Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪) through appearance of the Anapji in poems. Anapji lies its original meanings on Anhaji(安夏池) and then it was shortened to Anji(雁池), apji(鴨池) while Dongho(東湖) has also been called since it is located in the South of Gyeongju. As of July 2011, the Ministry of Culture officially renamed Anapji and Imhaejeon Hall Site(臨海殿址) as the palace of Crown Prince-Gyonegju Donggung(慶州 東宮) and Wolji(月池) (Historical Site No. 18) and Wolji became the current name. While pond was made during Munmu of Silla, the name Anapji did not exist. Kim Si-Seup (1465~1471) in the early Chosun period referred to the pond as Anhaji(安夏池) and its name started being called as Anapji in the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam,(新增東國輿地勝覽)(Jungjong 25, 1530). Though modern scholar states that it was being called Anapji since there are always many ducks and wild geese in the pond, they fails to present the literature evidences. The author found the line in the poem -Anapji composed by writer Kim Chul Woo, which means that a wild duck and water bird get in and off the pond on their own and the record saying which means Dong-ho(東湖) from the phrase of Dongho-saw-sar-gi(東湖書社記) of Lee Su In(李樹仁)(1739-1822)-Confucian Scholar of Gyeongju was created due to the fact that many wild geese and ducks are flying over. Based on the facts foresaid, the literature evidences for the name of Anapji are presented in the paper. Anapji is a combined word between the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which is a flooding weed and Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪). Dong-do-chil-gue is an ancient form of Modern Eight Scenic Views. Eight Scenic Views -Gyeongju Parlgyong is just well-known as scenic places without grotesque elements Dong-do-chil-gue had before. However, the author also found the passage of Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections saying that Anapji has a clod that is as wide as rock(盤石) and the clod also has moneywort on, which are undulating in the wind and clarified how the Anapbupyeong became one of the one of the greatest-seven miracles Dong-do-chil-gue and why the Anapbupyeong frequently appears in the poems of many writers.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.