• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.456-477
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to provide basic data on practical intervention strategies that many people with disabilities can empower in the future by analyzing the experiences in which people with disabilities were empowered through Encounter group counseling program focusing on people with physical disabilities and brain lesions, who account for 50% of all people with disabilities. The research questions were: First, did people with disabilities get empowerment experiences through an Encounter group counseling program? Second, what kind of empowerment experiences did people with disabilities begin to have through the program? In this study, a focus group interview was conducted with the participants of the program to qualitatively evaluate the empowerment experiences from the Encounter group program. The participants were people with physical disabilities and brain lesions experiencing Encounter group counseling programs at the self-reliance center in Seoul from 2015 to 2019. As a result of the analysis, 7 components, and 17 sub-components were derived, which were grouped into three themes: 1) restoring self relationship 2) forming new relationship with others, and 3) realizing a sense of solidarity with society. The research results were discussed considering the impact of the Encounter program on personal, interpersonal, and social empowerment of people with disabilities and finally, limitations of the study and suggestions for follow-up studies were presented.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.169-185
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to apply the clothing teaching-learning plan from a critical science perspective developed to improve teenager's empowerment, and to examine it's effects. A total of 12 plans of 5 modules(Module A to E) developed from critical science perspective were implemented for four weeks. Second-year students (N 42) of K Middle School located in Y-si, Gyeonggi-do participated in the study in the study, and the survey results were analyzed quantitatively using t-tests. For the quality analysis, The student interview data, action reports and etc. were collected, and qualitative analysis was conducted using empowerment model as the analysis framework. The findings of study are follows. First, two hours each for modules A to D, and four hours for module E were assigned, because module E included an action project. In the action projects by for groups, students were expected to take the lead in conducting the activities such as developing promotional posters, posting opinions online, promoting videos, informing how to make recyclables, and donating to the community. Second, as a result of analyzing the pre-implementation vs post-implementation empowerment scores, a significant difference was found in social-political empowerment (t=-2.06, p<0.05). According to the analysis of student interviews and students project's reports, students were found to become aware of empowerment through the instruction. On the intrapersonal level, positive self-awareness and self-efficacy, and on the interpersonal level, smooth communication and democratic decision-making were confirmed. This study is meaningful in that regular a home economics instruction class from a critical science perspective have made a quantitative and qualitative impact on teenagers' improvement empowerment, providing opportunities to find their roles in the soceity, cooperate with others, and behave responsibly as members of society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.1-16
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• 2011

It is important not only to introduce the C4I(Command and Control, Communication, Computer, Intelligence) system for realizing the NCW(Network Centric Warfare) but also to evaluate the synergistic effect by the C4I system. However, the study effort for evaluating the system's synergistic effect is insufficient compared with introducing the system. Therefore, in this paper, we proposed a model that measures the synergistic effect of combat power by the warfare information system. To measure the synergistic effect of warfare information system, the network power must be considered, so we also proposed a new methodology for measurement of network power based on SNA(Social Network Analysis), not Metcalfe's law. A model we proposed is a model that measures the raised combat power by the network effectiveness. The methodology and model we proposed in this paper will be used usefully to analyze the practical effect of constructing future warfare information system.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.183-220
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• 2019

Nowadays, soft power is playing a more important role in international communication and cooperation, and as cultural exchange in regional cooperation is deeply influenced by national soft powers, the development is usually unbalanced. Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar are adjacent to each other with a long history of intercourse. In the year 2013, initiation of constructing Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor advocated by China and India was responded positively by Bangladesh and Myanmar. Since then, the world has witnessed an increasing connection of these four countries. Being the critical bond connecting the southwestern areas of China and Bangladesh, India as well as Myanmar, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor is characterized by multiple regional cultures along with frequent connections in cultural products and activities. However, cultural exchange now is dominated by imbalanced development due to potent soft power of China and India that these two countries export more cultural products to the rest, which has an impact in many fields of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Priority should be given to coordinated development in cultural exchange regarding the construction of Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor. Only by developing a sustainable development mechanism for cultural exchange, to coordinate the influences of soft powers of these four countries, then a fine complexion of "all flowers are in bloom" can be created, returning to five original intention of the construction of this economic corridor: "Policy Communication" and "Strength People-to-people Ties", etc.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.65-71
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• 2014

Gyeongbu and Namhae expressways in the country, are the major arterial highways which are connected with the Busan port in the north-south and east-west directions, respectively, and required to study the traffic characteristics about the hourly volume factors(K-factor) by concentrated midium-size and large-size cargo trucks of 20% or higher in expressways. We therefore attempted to predict the K-factor in expressways through the correlation analysis between K-factor and K-factor estimates on the basis of the short-term VDS data collected at the basic segments of the above major expressways. As a result, power model appeared to be appropriate in predicting K-factor by the K-factor estimate based on VDS data for 7 days with a high explanatory power and validity.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Propulsion Engineers
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.9-17
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• 2019

Variable guide vanes(VGVs) that consist of link mechanisms and an actuator system are required for an aircraft gas turbine engine to adjust the incidence angle of stator vanes. In this study, we developed a VGV actuator system for three-stage VGVs with two hydraulic actuators. The requirements for the actuator system were derived by analyzing the link mechanisms and air loads, and a hydraulic power-pack was developed based on these requirements. Through a load test using the actuator test-rig and the application of synchronizing control logic with proper control gains, the actuator system could be developed and verified.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.77-106
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• 2010

As for the matter of guardianship-benefit network which has been at the heart of the discussion of power elites and clan politics in Kazakhstan, it has been often maintained that it is basically formed by the framework of the regional and descent connection net called Zhuz or at least it has been heavily under Zhuz's influence. But it is pointed out that the controversy of Zhuz suffers from a lot of limitations in explaining the surface of power elites in the recent process of political changes and the rearrangement of power relations. Consequently, this paper tried to take a closer look at the matter focusing on the social backgrounds of elites from Junior zhuz, who have been estimated to be relatively pushed back in terms of the advancement into the central power. As a result, it was found that the backgrounds of clan and tribe origin within Zhuz couldn't have any foundation to be seen as a decisive element through which they could grow into power elites. The phenomenon of Kazakhstani elites is a legacy of concrete historic situations. The important consideration points for analyzing the emergence of elites which could be applied to a nomadic and traditional society can hardly be an invariable framework for analyzing modern elites since independence. Since 2000, Kazakhstan has experienced economic changes including privatization due to the absolute strengthening of presidential influence which turned into a foundation for a new authoritarian system, the rearrangement of the inner circle of power, and their decisions. These changes in situations have had profound effects on the character of power elites. The phenomenon that clandestine connections have shown their appearances as they have gotten intertwined with various factors, in particular, in the economic field which has been heavily under Junior zhuz makes us convinced that the elite organization in Kazakhstan has always been the product of political and economic changes. In reality, the behaviors of elites were the outcome continuously reflecting environmental situations surrounding them, and those situations lie in a complicated and multiple-layered connection net. Therefore, it is believed that having interests in elites' social backgrounds and maintaining many pieces of information on them will be able to be a more useful approach to analyzing the elite society in the future in that interests in their social backgrounds become an informant of various network formation nets which reflect real situations.