• 한국노년학
• /
• v.29 no.2
• /
• pp.563-578
• /
• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• Defense and Technology
• /
• no.4 s.254
• /
• pp.44-53
• /
• 2000

미국은 자유민주공화정치 체제하에서 과학자들이 자유로이 연구하고 그 연구결과로 이익을 추구할 수 있어서 민간인 연구가 활발하였다. 여기에 미국 정부는 군사적 필요에 의해 군사과학에 투자하여 여기서 얻은 기술을 민간산업으로 확산하였다. 미국은 첨단과학기술이 유럽, 일본 그리고 러시아에 도전 받을 때마다 즉각 정부에서 연구소의 전문가와 대학교 교수들의 자문을 받아서 대응책을 마련하여 교육과 연구분야에 집중투자해 뒤진 분야를 추격하고 있다. 민간인의 자율연구와 정부의 지원연구가 잘 조화를 이루고 있는 것이 미국의 과학기술 정책이다.

• Defense and Technology
• /
• no.5 s.255
• /
• pp.26-37
• /
• 2000

세계경제의 국제화 추세와 무기 생산의 국제 협력은 방산업체간의 생산체제에 있어서 상호 의존과 밀접한 협력을 필요로 하기 때문에 무기체계의 자급자족은 현실적으로 의미가 없어지고 필요한 무기체게를 적정가격에 획득하고 계속적인 방위산업 기반을 유지하는가에 비중을 두고 있다. 방산물자의 수출은 경제적인 이익 뿐만 아니라 정치 군사적인 영향력을 향상시킬 수 있기 때문에 방산물자 수출을 위한 시장확보라는 전략적 차원에서 국제 협력을 강조하고 있다. 또한 무기체계의 연구개발에는 많은 비용이 필요하고 자국의 소요만으로는 경제적인 생산규모에 미치지 못하기 때문에 모든 방산 선진국들도 국제협력과 수출을 통하여 개발비용을 분담하려 하고 있다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.42 no.5
• /
• pp.691-709
• /
• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.50 no.1
• /
• pp.37-52
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this study is to elucidate the traits of the spatial orientation of urban residents. The analysis materials are the 110 rough maps which have been collected for the last ten years in Yeonsugu, Incheon metropolitan. The urbanites' spatial orientation are analysed from an aspect of the orientation elements and the orientation frames respectively. As a result, the urban dwellers make use of five elements - path, node, district, landmark, and language clue for their spatial orientation. Again the orientation frames of the urban people are investigated in terms of locating and directing in space. In regard to the former, they tend relatively to depend on horizontal axes based on broad streets and to prefer to position at the center on coordinate system. With reference to the latter, they show to be north-at-the-top directed tendency and to hold higher proportion of exocentric perspective than egocentric. Consequently urban residents tend to form spatial orientation with using five spatial elements, leaning horizontal axis, positioning themselves at the central part of coordinates, directing toward north-at-the-top through exocentric perspective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.137-168
• /
• 2014

The purpose of this study is to search for the main content system and Confucian meaning of "Yu Shu;虞書" of "The Book of Documents; 書經". This research covers two things: first, the form of The Book of Documents and the main content system of "Yu Shu". The Book of Documents consists of 4 main dynasties' Shu in ancient chinese history; "Yu Shu" 5 chapters, "Xia Shu; 夏書" 4 chapters, "Shang Shu; 商書" 17 chapters, and "Zhou Shu; 周書" 32 chapters, for a total 58 chapters. This book is organized in the form of six formalities(六體) or ten examples(十例). Second, the Confucian value of The Book of Documents and philosophical meaning of Yu Shu. Yu Shu shows a benign rule(仁政), confucianism ideal politic, as an historic example of a benevolent administration. By this research, we recognize that the tradition of abdication in the confucian society and the way of selecting people are theoretical foundation of politics based on people, rule by virtue and, by extension, a dynastic revolution. In addition, governing a country and rule the world that is treated in Yu Shu are a theory of leadership and moral training as a background of "Da Xue"(大學; Great Learning). Furthermore, Xiao(孝;filial piety) emphasized on this book is the main virtue of leaders and core value of practical action among the human relation. by extension, we recognize that the "Yu Shu" is the origin of "Xiao Jing; 孝經".

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.57 no.1
• /
• pp.121-146
• /
• 2005

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the structure and characteristics of the utilization support systems(USS), which has been institutionalized to aid the use of social welfare services in Japan's social welfare systems recently. In order to conduct such purposes, this paper made the process as follows. Firstly, this paper examined the developmental processes of social welfare systems, and the back ground of institutionalization of USS in Japan. Secondly, this paper formulated at ideal dimension the analytic model which was to explain the structure and characteristics of the USS. To build this model, this paper used two factors which were the connective dependency to the welfare support systems and the feasible-satisfying alternative setting for user. Thirdly, this paper analyzed the characteristics of the user-driven support facilities which has already activated in social welfare systems in Japan. According to the result of analyzing such model, this paper explained that USS in Japan has possessed the structure and characteristics, such as to aid self actualization and human right of user, to compose the inner coalition organization with supply systems, to emphasize the employee to train care management's skill, and to keep up bounded openness to USS's participation. Therefore, oligopoly market is formulated owing to bounded openness in the field of USS and the role of social worker such as a care manager is emphasized on making care plan.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.31
• /
• pp.261-293
• /
• 2005

This article aims at investigating the origin of 'gookmin', which is currently working as the dominant discourse and leading identity in the South Korean society. Like 'nation', 'people' or/and 'citizen', the term of 'gookmin' is a very much particular and historical outcome of the colonial modernity. Nevertheless, however, there have been not so much serious socio-linguistic, cultural-political studies about its root. It is theoretically as well as practically quite important to trace back the birth of 'gookmin', which is working as an ideological, epistemological frame in/between subject and reality. In this regard, this article will consider the late Japanese colonial period as a key period of the birth of 'gookmin'. It will then critically scrutinize how the total mobilization system by adopted the colonial government has formed the discourse and subjectivity of 'gookmin' based on various physical apparatuses. By revealing that a totalistic nation/state of Japanese colonialism is behind 'gookmin', which wanted to mobilize every individuals into a so-called article of empire, this article tries to show the fascist and propaganda nature of 'gookmin' continuing even after the liberation. As a historical-materialist work of deconstruction the dominant discourse of 'gookmin', this study will basically take a cultural studies approach.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.47 no.5
• /
• pp.718-734
• /
• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.140-150
• /
• 2014

Conspiracy theory is often considered as a kind of paranoid and an act of throwing all the blame solely on the Big Other who is presumed to control all the incidents behind the curtain. While, it is also assessed as a socio-political sub-culture and a way of interpreting the world full of closure and insufficient information, keeping us from grasping 'the totality'. Meanwhile recent conspiracy films reflect the ever dense and concealed anatomy of the world now. And it reveals some kind of ideological tendency which is, 'sense of catastrophe' and 'non-ideology' reflecting the world of late capitalism society. This article intends to examine the altered representational appearance and ideology in recent conspiracy films so as to understand how the conspiracy theory, the social-political interpretational mechanism, is converged into the film narrative against the backdrop of late capitalism, a socio-political condition we live in.