• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.129-154
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• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.156-163
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• 1995

이 연구는 간호사의 보건정책과 정치에 대한 미래지도력을 향상시키기 위한 방법으로써 한국의 4년제 간호학과에서 가르쳐야할 보건정책과목을 상세하게 제시한다. 새로운 보건정책과목 개설을 위한 기초작업으로써, 미국 간호사들의 정치와 정책참여에 대한 사례를 열거하고 어떻게 간호사들이 정책에 참여하고 영향력을 발휘 했는지를 서술한다. 특히 Oregon plan과 지역사회 중심으로 형성된 연합체제와 간호정책 분석가의 역할이 소개된다. 간호사들의 사회 정치 진출의 한 방법으로써 간호교육에서의 보건정책과목의 필요성과 중요성이 언급되며, 미국의 4년제 간호대학 학부과정, 석사과정, 박사과정에서 가르쳐지는 보건정책 과목이 소개된다. 간호정책 전문가로써의 등용문으로 알려 진 Robert Wood Johnson Health Policy Internship과 Fellowship이 소개한다. 미국간호사들의 보건정책 참여방법과 현재 가르쳐지는 보건정책과목의 장점을 토대로 하여 우리의 실정에 맞는 간호학생을 위한 보건정책 과목이 제시되어진다. 보건정책과목의 목적과 내용이 자세히 서술되어지고 역동적인 실습과정이 소개되어진다. 또한 학과목으로 정착되기 위해서 필요한 새로운 전략이 서술되어 진다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.9-34
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• 2015

While dramatic shifts in the media environment underscore the emerging importance of structural approaches in media studies. political economists in Korea have failed to meet such demands. It is particularly noteworthy that their most serious weakness lies in economic theories. This paper aims to examine major problems in political economic approaches in Korea and suggest some research agenda and directions for the future. Above all, political economists need to scrutinize and elaborate both microscopic and macroscopic frameworks. On the microscopic level, they may learn tremendous implications from the "audience-commodity" thesis and recent debates on "information goods" among Korean economists. For the more macroscopic part, it is urgently needed to delve into mid-level issues that may illuminate specific ways the media capital operates: trends in the accumulation of capital, the influence of technological innovation, changes in the labor process, and the relations among production, circulation and consumption sectors.

• Journal of Korea Fair Competition Federation
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• no.89
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• pp.9-11
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• 2003

공정거래법의 새로운 도약을 위한 체제정비 중에서도 가장 시급히 요청되는 것은 공정거래위원회의 조직과 절차의 정비라고 할 것이다. 공정거래위원회가 오늘과 같이 발전할 수 있었던 데는 정부가 과감하게 공정거래위원회를 경제기획원에서 분리하여 독립부처로 만들었다는 점이 크게 작용하였다고 생각된다. 왜냐하면 공정거래위원회가 독립부처가 됨으로써 산업정책의 논리나 정치논리에 휘말리지 않고 경쟁의 논리를 일관성 있게 적용할 수 있었기 때문이다.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.24-32
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• 2001

동북아 지역은 경제적으로 선진국과 신흥공업국, 개발도상국이란 서로 상이한 경제발전 수준을 가지고 있으며, 정치적으로는 자본주의와 사회주의라는 다른 체제가 공존하고 있다. 이러한 상황 속에서 한반도에는 남북정상회담 이후 남북 교류의 새로운 장을 열게된 경의선 복원사업이 실시됨과 동시에 러시아가 경원선 연결을 통하여 시베리아횡단철도와 한국철도의 연결을 제의하여 철도 연결을 둘러싼 동북아의 상황은 빠르게 변모하고 있다. (중략)

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Advanced Industrial SCIence
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-7
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• 2024

This paper deals with the topic of quantification of soft power through emotional analysis. Sentiment analysis refers to the process of detecting and analyzing emotions or emotions in various data such as text, voice, and images. Therefore, in this paper, we explored the methodology and significance of how soft power can be quantified through emotional analysis. Soft power refers to the ability of a country or organization to influence the behavior of another country or organization in a desired direction. It is built by soft factors such as culture, values, and political system rather than military or economic means. Additionally, sentiment analysis is being used as a useful tool to measure and understand these soft areas.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.23-45
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• 2021

In the 1980's, Lee Geun-sam wrote critiques that analyzed North Korea's performing arts and ideology. In the critiques, he posits the following characteristics of North Korea's performing arts. First, the works are designed in such a way to befit the purpose of the authorities' policy. Second, the works embrace political ideology whose purpose concerns class struggle. During the critique process, Lee Geun-sam compares the "freedom" of the performing arts activities in South Korea and the "regulatory" aspect of North Korea's performing arts activities and reveals implicitly the superiority of South Korea's system. In addition, Lee Geun-sam criticizes the political ideology of North Korea's performing arts and objects to viewing the concept of ideology from a Marxist viewpoint. According to Lee Geun-sam, an ideology is explained as an idea system representing an artist's conscious/unconscious worldview. Also, he contends that arts should distance itself from political ideology.

• Maritime Security
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

For the last 70 years, the U.S.-led bilateral security system, or "Hub-and-Spokes" system, has been applied to Northeast Asia, and the system has been successfully settled in terms of stability and economic achievements of the region. Given the increasing complexity of the security environment of East Asia, it is plausible to consider the possibility of a security system shift from bilateral alliances to collective security. In order to analyze the driver of collective security system, this study developed three factors of formation and development of collective security system - main threat, intensity of the threat, and confidence among countries in the system - by reviewing international political theories related to security cooperation. Comparing the formation, development, and achievements of NATO and SEATO, the study figures out that the existence of the main threat, the high intensity of the threat, and the strong confidence among countries in the security system are the primary drivers for a successful collective security system. Based on the result, the study also analyzed the possibility of a security system shift in East Asia. Considering contemporary international conflicts such as U.S.-China strategic competition, Russia-Ukraine War, and growing threats posed by North Korean nuclear and missiles, the study anticipates that the necessity of a collective security system that will replace the current security system of the region would arise. Still, although some issues between countries should be overcome, the growing intensity of the threats will promote cooperation among countries by improving their confidence.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.