• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.369-405
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to examine the usefulness of the concept of political efficacy and political trust as a way of explaining the development of political participation in the young people under the new age of the Internet. From the survey in which 221 university students participated, there were several findings: first, overall political efficacy has a predominant effect on political participation in both offline and online; second, political trust has little impact on the political participation of the youth; third, there showed up two interaction effects between political efficacy and political trust for the online conventional and unconventional participation in politics. It is found that in high efficacy group people with low trust are most likely to participate, while in medium efficacy group people with high trust are most likely to participate. In low efficacy group, however, political trust didn't make any difference in political participation. There are more factors that may predict political participation, such as political interest, political knowledge, political ideology, and demographic variables. For future studies, it is necessary to examine the effect of political efficacy and political trust in combination with these other variables to explain political participation by offline and online.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.211-247
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• 2003

This study explored how Korean immigrants education, length of stay and English fluency affect their political socialization, mediated through traditional news media and the news Web use. Political socialization included political knowledge, interest, and participation. The media usage patterns included U.S. news media, U.S. news Web, Korean news Web, and Korean news Media use by Korean immigrants in the United State. This study found as follows. First, education, length of stay, and English fluency indirectly increased political socialization(political knowledge, interest, and participation) through their relationship with U.S. news media use. Second, U.S. news Web played a potentially important role in Korean immigrants' political socialization by increasing their political interest. Third, Korean news media partly contributed to Korean immigrants' political socialization by increasing their political interest. Fourth, Korean news Web use did not contribute to Korean immigrants' political socialization in terms of political knowledge, interest, and participation at all. In conclusion, this study found that traditional news media's role was more important than news Web's one in the process of immigrants' political socialization to the host society.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.344-355
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• 2021

As the voting age has been lowered to 18 from the 21st general election on April 15, 2020, the use of political news, motivation for political interest, and reliability of political media of first-time voters were examined. Accordingly, we analyzed how their political efficacy affects their voting intentions. As a result of the study through the survey of participants, the use of political news by voters was to acquire political information mainly through TV and portals. And the use of traditional media such as radio and newspaper was low. first voters became interested in politics through articles delivered by the media, and it was found that they trusted the political information provided through terrestrial TV reports and debates. This generation also confirmed that if they have higher political efficacy, they show higher willingness to participate in voting. Through this study, in order to increase the political participation of the younger generation who are evaluated as having relatively low interest in politics, the role of the media was reconfirmed as the most important factor.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

This article examines not the term "the public" or "publics"-which has various meanings-but its particular meaning, which is a group of citizens who engage in political discussion and debate with fellow citizens in order to form shared understandings and common judgments with regard to contemporary affairs and public issues. The goal of this article is to show the importance of this concept in critical studies of media and society and to analyze how this concept has been accepted in South Korean critical communication studies. In this article, critical communication studies refer to communication studies that aim to explore social meanings of communication phenomena. This article argues that little attention has been paid to the concept of the public as agreement-oriented discursive political participants in South Korean critical communication studies.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.5 s.104
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• pp.735-754
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• 2004

This paper provides an overview of political ecology, a body of theory that focuses on the links between political and economic inequality on the one hand, and environmental degradation on the other. Adopting a tripartite classification scheme that identifies three political ecology traditions -'classical', 'democratic' and 'poststructuralist'- the discussion shows the need for a move within the poststructuralist tradition away from a narrow and quasi-idealistic focus on discourse to a more robust philosophical engagement with ontological and epistemological issues grounded in Gilles Deleuze's development of Nietzschean materialism. From there. the author draws on numerous examples from Canada, and surveys the available literature on 'bioregionalism', a relatively new intellectual tradition evolved from the North American environmental social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The so-called 'bioregional approach' stresses that administrative units need to reflect (rather than transect) eco-geographical and cultural features. Bioregionalism is described and assessed as a potential pragmatic research framework for geographers and other planners wishing to respond proactively to the call for a revamped, poststructuralist political ecology. The paper concludes that a bioregional approach to political ecology avoids the weaknesses identified by certain critics, provides scope for consideration of fundamental philosophical ideas, and as such, represents a practical development of a poststructuralist political ecology.

• 대학교육
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• s.70
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• pp.82-91
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• 1994

최근의 한국사회는 모든 분야에 있어 개혁을 추진하고 있다. 이러한 개혁은 문민정부라는 국내 정치변화도 한 요인이지만, 지구촌 시대로 들어서는 국제적 환경 변화도 큰 요인이다. 이제 교육 분야, 특히 대학은 외부세계와 단절되어 오직 진리만 추구하던 '상아탑'적 전통에만 안주할 수 없게 되었다. 대학도 환경의 변화에 능동적으로 대처하여 조직 체계와 그 운영에 있어 개방성을 추진하여야 한다. 대학의 최고 정책 결정기구인 대학이사회의 구성과 기능 그리고 집행기관인 총장의 선출과정 및 리더십에 대해 개방성이 강조되고, 행정의 운영에 구성원의 참여와 공개가 보장되는 것은 대학행정의 민주성을 확립하는 필수적 요소이다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.239-264
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• 2018

Chosun regime, when it replaced the predecessor of Koryo, had to create political ideological system for new integration of the people. The new system, based on Confucianism, replaced religious values of Buddhism with educational ones. In this educational-ideological system, educational objects were mostly limited in character education's. Its goal was 'restoration of good nature'. For the principal agent of educational process, teacher had the initiative. These traits of educational system can be understood as an 'nature-unfolding perspective' or 'formal discipline perspective'. Moreover, the idea of 'teacher shall be served like prince' seems to be ground of political authoritarianism. In this respects, political traits of traditional education system can be restraining elements for developing independent individuality and free citizenship among Korean people. However, traditional teacher was not only authoritarian trainer. As 'a follower of truth and good', he was equal to his disciples. Teacher learned by teaching them. Students could be colleagues of their teacher. And the main traits of traditional education, focusing character development and community consciousness, are still important, in particular, to modern Korean educational and societal environment wanting in humane and participating citizenship.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.427-451
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is (1) to contrast the welfare state formation in Korea with that in Western European nations, and (2) to examine the historical peculiarities of the Korean welfare state formation process. For the analysis, this study uses' contrast of context' logic of comparative history and contrast the process of (1)modern state formation (2) civil society development (3) interventionist state evolution of Korea with those of Western European nations. The findings of this study are as follows: First, the distingushing role of nation state as welfare provider is very different. It is attributed to the difference in the traditional dominance structure and in the nation-bulding process of each case. Second, class cleavage of the Western Eeuropean nations has been continually mobilized for political action and converted into political resources, while it is impossible to achieve such results in Korea which has continued labor excusive regime. Third, the institutionalization patterns of welfare politics are different. In Western Eeuropean nations, public welfare benefits have been able to produce welfare coalitions and politics of solidarity. By contrast, since welfare have been thoroughly depoliticized and informalized in Korea, voters and political parties have not been able to make issues of welfare problem Due to these historical peculiarities, it seems to be impossible that Korea's underdeveloped public welfare could be changeable in near future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

This study attempts to analyze gender gaps in voter turnout for three different types of elections held since 2017 at the aggregate level using the Central Election Management Commission's turnout data, paying attention to the importance of women's voting. The findings are as follows. First, modern gender gaps in voter turnout at the aggregate level are confirmed in most regions regardless of election types. Second, the gender gap in turnout varies with age. The gender difference is verified in the "widowhood effect," where turnout decreases in the oldest-old. In the new voter group, modern gender gaps appear in most regions. The reversed gender difference in turnout in the late 20s, which reflects the Korean society's characteristics, is confirmed in all elections. Third, it is unclear whether the reverse gender gap in turnout becomes more pronounced in urbanized districts. As urbanization progressed, modern gender differences in voter turnout across age groups are observed at the population-based size level. Paradoxically, the modern gender gap tends to be weak and turns into the traditional gender gap in younger age groups (in the late thirties) in Gangnam-gu and Seocho-gu, the most modernized districts in Seoul. These results show that the modern gender gap in turnout is now a common phenomenon and continues to be strengthened by newly recruited voters in Korea. Thus we should pay more attention to female voters' political behavior and a new approach beyond the developmental theory to understand the causal mechanism to generate the modern gender gap in voter turnout.