• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.291-301
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• 2018

BACKGROUND: Rice is one of the main sources for inorganic arsenic among the consumed crops in the world population's diet. Arsenic is classified into Group 1 as it is carcinogenic for humans, according to the IARC. This study was carried out to assess dietary exposure risk of inorganic arsenic in husked rice and polished rice to the Korean population health. METHODS AND RESULTS: Total arsenic was determined using microwave device and ICP-MS. Inorganic arsenic was determined by ICP-MS coupled with HPLC system. The HPLC-ICP-MS analysis was optimized based on the limit of detection, limit of quantitation, and recovery ratio to be $0.73-1.24{\mu}g/kg$, $2.41-4.09{\mu}g/kg$, and 96.5-98.9%, respectively. The inorganic arsenic concentrations of daily exposure (included in body weight) were $4.97{\times}10^{-3}$ (${\geq}20$ years old) $-1.36{\times}10^{-2}$ (${\leq}2$ years old) ${\mu}g/kg\;b.w./day$ (PTWI 0.23-0.63%) by the husked rice, and $1.39{\times}10^{-1}$ (${\geq}20$ years old) $-3.21{\times}10^{-1}$ (${\leq}2$ years old) ${\mu}g/kg\;b.w./day$ (PTWI 6.47-15.00%) by the polished rice. CONCLUSION: The levels of overall exposure to total and inorganic arsenic by the husked and polished rice were far lower than the recommended levels of The Joint FAO/WHO Expert Committee on Food Additives (JECFA), indicating of little possibility of risk.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-51
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• 2019

Ginseng has a unique production system that is different from those used for other crops. It is subject to the Ginseng Industry Act., requires a long-term cultivation period of 4-6 years, involves complicated cultivation characteristics whereby ginseng is not produced in a single location, and many ginseng farmers engage in mixed-farming. Therefore, to bring the production of Ginseng in line with GAP standards, it is necessary to better understand the on-site practices of Ginseng farmers according to established control points, and to provide a proper action plan for improving efficiency. Among ginseng farmers in Korea who applied for GAP certification, 77.6% obtained it, which is lower than the 94.1% of farmers who obtained certification for other products. 13.7% of the applicants were judged to be unsuitable during document review due to their use of unregistered pesticides and soil heavy metals. Another 8.7% of applicants failed to obtain certification due to inadequate management results. This is a considerably higher rate of failure than the 5.3% incompatibility of document inspection and 0.6% incompatibility of on-site inspection, which suggests that it is relatively more difficult to obtain GAP certification for ginseng farming than for other crops. Ginseng farmers were given an average of 2.65 points out of 10 essential control points and a total 72 control points, which was slightly lower than the 2.81 points obtained for other crops. In particular, ginseng farmers were given an average of 1.96 points in the evaluation of compliance with the safe use standards for pesticides, which was much lower than the average of 2.95 points for other crops. Therefore, it is necessary to train ginseng farmers to comply with the safe use of pesticides. In the other essential control points, the ginseng farmers were rated at an average of 2.33 points, lower than the 2.58 points given for other crops. Several other areas of compliance in which the ginseng farmers also rated low in comparison to other crops were found. These inclued record keeping over 1 year, record of pesticide use, pesticide storages, posts harvest storage management, hand washing before and after work, hygiene related to work clothing, training of workers safety and hygiene, and written plan of hazard management. Also, among the total 72 control points, there are 12 control points (10 required, 2 recommended) that do not apply to ginseng. Therefore, it is considered inappropriate to conduct an effective evaluation of the ginseng production process based on the existing certification standards. In conclusion, differentiated certification standards are needed to expand GAP certification for ginseng farmers, and it is also necessary to develop programs that can be implemented in a more systematic and field-oriented manner to provide the farmers with proper GAP management education.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.51-56
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• 2019

Purpose: The usefulness of using single-electron radiation for secondary radiotherapy of breast cancer patients after surgery is assessed and the use of a combine of different energy. Methods and materials : In this study, 40 patients (group A) using energy 6 MeV and 9 MeV, and 19 patients (group B) using a combine of 9 MeV and 12 MeV were studied among 59 patients who performed secondary care using combine electronic radiation. Each patient in each group, 6 MeV, 9 MeV, Combine(6 MeV / 9 MeV) and 9 MeV, 12 MeV, Combine (9 MeV / 12 MeV) were developed in different ways, and the maximum doses delivered to the original hospital, D95, D5, and $V_3$, $V_5$, $V_{10}$ were compared. Result: The D95 mean value of Group A treatment plan was $785.33{\pm}225.37cGy$, $1121.79{\pm}87.02cGy$ at 9 MeV, and $1010.98{\pm}111.17cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, and the mean value at 6 MeV / 9 MeV was most appropriate for the dose. The mean values of the low dose area $V_3$ and $V_5$ in the lung of the breast direction being treated were $3.24{\pm}3.49%$ and $0.72{\pm}1.55%$ at 6 MeV, the highest 9 MeV at $7.25{\pm}4.59%$, $3.07{\pm}2.64%$, the lowest at 6 MeV. Maximum and average lung dose was $727.78{\pm}137.27cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, $49.16{\pm}24.44cGy$, highest 9 MeV at $998.97{\pm}114.35cGy$, $85.33{\pm}41.18cGy$, and lowest 6 MeV at $387.78{\pm}208.88cGy$, $9.27{\pm}6.60cGy$. The value of $V_{10}$ was all close to zero. Group B appeared in the pattern of Group A. Conclusion: Relative differences in low-dose areas of the lungs $V_3$ and $V_5$ were seen and were most effective in the dose transfer of tumor bed in the application of combined energy. It is thought that the method of using electronic energy in further radiation treatments for breast cancer is a more effective way to use the energy effect of limiting energy resources, and that if you think about it again, it could be a little more beneficial radiation treatment for patients.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.88-99
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• 2009

This study was conducted to formulate management guidelines for Natural monumental old trees in Korea through survey of tree vigor and analysis of growing environments. A total of 20 old trees designated as natural monuments in Seoul, Incheon, and Gyeonggi Province were surveyed. The biological characteristics were surveyed with 4 items of species, ages and height of trees. The surrounding environments were surveyed with 2 items of location types and surroundings. The root conditions were surveyed with 2 items of denudation and molding depth. The health conditions were surveyed with 5 items of withering rate, cavity size, bark breakaway rate, damages by blight and insects, and growing tips. The soil conditions were surveyed with 6 items of PH, organic contents, valid phosphoric acid, transposal cations(K, Ca) and soil compaction. On the basis of outcomes of these research items, mutual relations among locations, growings and soil conditions of old trees were analyzed by carring out cross tabulation, correlation, and simple and multiple regression. Management guidelines were presented searching the factors effecting on the health of the monumental old trees. On the biological characteristics, the old trees designated as natural monuments were Pinus bungeana(4 trees), Juniperus chinensis(3 trees), Ginkgo biloba(3 trees), Poncirus trifoliata(2 trees). Actinidia arguta, Wisteria floribunda, Thuja orientalis, Quercus mongolica, Sophora japonica, Fraxinus rhynchophylla, Zelkova serrata, and Pinus densiflora. The tree height ranged from 4.2 to 39.2m, and root collar rounds ranged from 1.01 to 15.2m. On the surrounding environments, The location types ; Gardens(4), historical sites(5), residental sections(3) open agricultural fields(3), mountain hills(3), and near ocean beaches(1) and stream site(1). The surroundings ; 75% denudation of roots, molded more than 10cm except 4 trees(25%). On the health conditions, 1)Withering rate ; Ginkgo biloba(20%) in Yongmoon temple, (5%) in Saki-ri, kanwha-gun, and others had no withering rate. 2) Cavity size ; all subject had $5{\sim}100cm^3$ of cavity. 3) Bark breakaway rate ; Pinus bungeana in Soosong-dong, in the shrine of Confucius, in Samchung-dong, especially high rate of cavity(5~50%) in Seoul area and in Saki-ri, Kangwha-gun were high 45% brakeaway rate. 4) Damages by blight and insects was slight due to managements. 5Growing tips ; In cases of Juniperus chinensis in Changdeok palace and SunnogDang, seoul, growing tips were 1/2, presumably cause by air pollution, and in cases of Fraxinus rhynchophylla in Paju city and Pinus densiflora in BacksaDorip-ri, Icheon city, growing tips were fine, presumably because there were no moldings. On the Soil conditions, Soil pH ranged from 5.2 to 8.3, organic matter contents from 12% to 56%, phosphorus contents from 104 to 618ppm, soil compaction ranged from 7 to 28mm( among them, Denudation was severe with 21~28mm soil compactions in cases of Pinus bungeana in Soosong -dong, Thuja orientalis in Samchung -dong, Ginkgo biloba in the shrine of Confucius and in Yongmoon temple.) Results of cross tabulation, correlation, and regression analysis showed that molding depth was the most serious factor to deteriorate the tree vigor and cambium conductivity. In addition, soil acidity, organic matter contents, disease and insect damages and cambial detachment were also related to the tree vigor. Additional research of these relationships will be needed to conduct more detailed studies. Based on the relationships between the tree vigor and growing environments, it is considered that old trees should be managed to give them more growing spaces and less abuses. Also, molded soils should be removed and further soil-molding around the tree collar should be prohibited. For the construction of systematic management and removal of harmful factors, appropriative management according to spices, persistent monitering of damaged cases and construction of management system through the accumulation of data on the relationships of soil conditions are required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.5-42
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• 2005

Based on a field investigation of intangible cultural asset # 2, author Sir Shin Seok-bong of Daejeon Metropolitan Cityinvestigated the music of Antaek-gut, which is the base and core of Anjoon-gut, and found the following musical features: A Jang-gu(drum) and Kkoaengkwari(gong) were used to recitethe Sutra(kyungmoon) of Anjoon-gut. The Jang-gu, located on the right side, played an accompaniment role with regular beats when the Sutra was recited. The Kkoaengkwari, located on the left side, played the role of covering the caesura of the Sutra passages, so it is played with various rhythmic variations in accordance with Kojang(鼓杖). This is one way of playing Korean national classical music that has temporary caesuras, depending on the rector's bre! ath or the contents of a Sutra during the Sutra chanting, with the Jang-gu covering the pause with its variation. In other words, when being played in concert, the instruments that play the main melody are at rest while another instrument takes its turn to play the main melody as a form of prolonged sound. The rhythmic cycles of the sutras of Antaek-gut recited with this instrumental accompaniment consist of five types; a) Woemarch-jangdan (a single beat) of 4 meter by 3 bit, b) Dumarch-jangdan (two beats) of 8 meter by 3 bit, c) Saemarch-jangdan (three beats) of 4 meter by 3 bit with a fast tempo, d) Mak-gojang, uniform beats with a standardized rhythm, and e) incomplete beats deviated from the regular beats. Sir Shin Seok-bong chanted Chang (唱), a traditional native song which he called 'Cheong (淸)' with a cycle of 'Dumarch-jangdan' throughout the places of Antaek-gut. Only 'Toesonggyung' a chant for the gate that was the last location of the Antaek, was chanted with a cycle of 'Woemarch-jan! gdan'. In addition, 'Saemarch-jangdan' and 'Mak-gojang' that had comparatively faster tempos than the former two jangdans, were played without a chant when a female shaman was dancing and catching her spirit-invoking wand. The 'Saemarch-jangdan', particularly, was played while dancing began at a relatively slow tempo, then proceeded at a violent tempo and then back again to the slow tempo. This shows one of the representative tempos of our music with a slow-fast-slow tempo. The organizational tones were 'mi-la-do'-re'', and its key tones of 'mi-la-do'' were performed with perfect fourth and minor third, which was the same as those of Menari-tori. However, it did not show a typical Sigimse, an ornamental tone, of Menari-tory, whose first tone, 'mi', is vibrated and its Sigimse is gliding down from the tone 're' to 'do'. That is because the regional tone-tori of Chungcheong-do have a relatively weaker musical expression than that of Gyeongsang-do. In addition, the rhythmic types in accordance with the words of a song for the Antaek-gut music had a comparatively faster tempo than the other sutras. Also, it was only with 'Toesonggyeong' that the tone 'la' continuously appeared throughout the melody and showed 'a syllabic rhythm', while other places consisted of either a 'syncopation' or 'melismatic' rhythm. Finally, according to a brief investigation of the tone organization in accordance with each sutra, the tone 'la' was given more weight. The tone procedure showed a mainly ascending 'la-do'' and the descending 'la-mi' with minor third and perfect fourth. Also, the overall tempo proceeded with M.M.♩.=116-184, while the tempo for the Gut proceeded with M.M.♩.=120-140, which was suitable for reciting a Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.197-218
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• 2019

In addition to economic growth and national income increase, China is also experiencing rapid growth in consumption of cosmetics. About 67% of the total trade volume of Chinese cosmetics is made by e-commerce and especially K-Beauty products, which are Korean cosmetics are very popular. According to previous studies, 80% of consumer goods such as cosmetics are affected by the word of mouth information, searching the product information before purchase. Mostly, consumers acquire information related to cosmetics through comments made by other consumers on SNS such as SINA Weibo and Wechat, and recently they also use information about beauty related video channels. Most of the previous online word-of-mouth researches were mainly focused on media itself such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. However, the informational characteristics and the expression forms are also diverse. Typical types are text, picture, and video. This study focused on these types. We analyze the unstructured data of SINA Weibo, the SNS representative platform of China, and Meipai, the video platform, and analyze the impact of K-Beauty brand sales by dividing online word-of-mouth information with quantity and direction information. We analyzed about 330,000 data from Meipai, and 110,000 data from SINA Weibo and analyzed the basic properties of cosmetics. As a result of analysis, the amount of online word-of-mouth information has a positive effect on the sales of cosmetics irrespective of the type of media. However, the online videos showed higher impacts than the pictures and texts. Therefore, it is more effective for companies to carry out advertising and promotional activities in parallel with the existing SNS as well as video related information. It is understood that it is important to generate the frequency of exposure irrespective of media type. The positiveness of the video media was significant but the positiveness of the picture and text media was not significant. Due to the nature of information types, the amount of information in video media is more than that in text-oriented media, and video-related channels are emerging all over the world. In particular, China has made a number of video platforms in recent years and has enjoyed popularity among teenagers and thirties. As a result, existing SNS users are being dispersed to video media. We also analyzed the effect of online type of information on the online cosmetics sales by dividing the product type of cosmetics into basic cosmetics and color cosmetics. As a result, basic cosmetics had a positive effect on the sales according to the number of online videos and it was affected by the negative information of the videos. In the case of basic cosmetics, effects or characteristics do not appear immediately like color cosmetics, so information such as changes after use is often transmitted over a period of time. Therefore, it is important for companies to move more quickly to issues generated from video media. Color cosmetics are largely influenced by negative oral statements and sensitive to picture and text-oriented media. Information such as picture and text has the advantage and disadvantage that the process of making it can be made easier than video. Therefore, complaints and opinions are generally expressed in SNS quickly and immediately. Finally, we analyzed how product diversity affects sales according to online word of mouth information type. As a result of the analysis, it can be confirmed that when a variety of products are introduced in a video channel, they have a positive effect on online cosmetics sales. The significance of this study in the theoretical aspect is that, as in the previous studies, online sales have basically proved that K-Beauty cosmetics are also influenced by word-of-mouth. However this study focused on media types and both media have a positive impact on sales, as in previous studies, but it has been proven that video is more informative and influencing than text, depending on media abundance. In addition, according to the existing research on information direction, it is said that the negative influence has more influence, but in the basic study, the correlation is not significant, but the effect of negation in the case of color cosmetics is large. In the case of temporal fashion products such as color cosmetics, fast oral effect is influenced. In practical terms, it is expected that it will be helpful to use advertising strategies on the sales and advertising strategy of K-Beauty cosmetics in China by distinguishing basic and color cosmetics. In addition, it can be said that it recognized the importance of a video advertising strategy such as YouTube and one-person media. The results of this study can be used as basic data for analyzing the big data in understanding the Chinese cosmetics market and establishing appropriate strategies and marketing utilization of related companies.