• Survey Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2008

Telephone directories ille still being used as the sampling frame in almost all fixed-line telephone surveys in Korea, causing potentially serious coverage error. RDD (random digit dialing) sampling is an obvious alternative to solve the problem. The aim of this paper is twofold: 1) proposal of RDD methodology suitable to the telephone system of Korea and 2) the identification of socio-demographic and socio-psychological differences between listed-number and unlisted-number respondents. Major findings of RDD telephone survey conducted experimental]y are as follows. 1) Population coverage by telephone directories is 60% or less. 2) Unlisted-number households have statistically larger income compared to listed-number households. 3) Unlisted-number households have smaller family size compared to listed-number households. 4) Unlisted-number respondents are more sensitive about confidentiality, leaks, 5) Unlisted-number respondents are more liberal compared to unlisted-number respondents. These facts suggest that directory-based telephone surveys tend to be biased in socio-economic aspects.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.109-123
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• 2018

This research presented the privatization of pubic corporations in terms of communication dimension rather than political and ideological dimension. Concretely, we examined how the message framing of privatization affects consumer's advertising attitude. At the same time, this study also examined the moderating factors which make a difference of the message framing, such as personal relevance(high/low) and social value orientation(proself/prosocial). The results showed that the interaction effect between type of message framing and personal relevance. Positive message framing showed a higher effect than negative message in the case of low personal relevance. Also, There was the interaction effect between type of message framing and social value orientation. Positive message framing showed a higher effect than negative message in the case of proself. However, there was no difference in message framing effect when there was high personal relevance and prosocial. Lastly, the implications of this study was presented. First, this study expanded the scope of research related to message framing. Second, the use of moderating variables such as personal relevance and social value orientation increased the possibility of practical application. In addition, limitation and further study directions was discussed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.33-67
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• 2019

This study analyzes whether online political activities have an important impact on attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage and the anti-discrimination law and whether these effects are different by the religion of voters. The main findings are as follows. First, the ideology variable has a significant effect on attitude toward legalizing same-sex marriage and enacting anti-discrimination law. Second, the higher the degree of online political activities, the more likely they will support two issues. Third, the effect on attitudes toward the enactment of anti-discrimination law has appeared different by religion. In other words, Protestants, compared to other religions, are more likely to oppose the enactment of anti-discrimination laws as the level of online political activities increased. Our study is meaningful in that we found online political activities play an important role in making voters' attitudes positively toward the enhancement of the right of sexual minorities. Also, although ideological conflicts are usually intense in diplomatic and security issues in Korea, the sexual minority issue would be likely to be an crucial as a dimension of ideological conflicts.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.29-54
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• 2018

Focusing on vastly different results between two presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, this paper examines how political attitudes of conservative voters had changed in 5 years and how these changes had brought about differences in their vote choices in 2017. Using panel data encompassing two presidential elections, this paper finds that, though ideological and affective evaluation of conservative parties and candidates had indeed deteriorated among supporters of Park Geun-Hye in 2012, it is candidate factors rather partisan ones that exerted much more significant influence on their vote choices in 2017. In addition it is found that the differentiation in political and economic policy preferences among conservative voters had only slight influence on their voted choices in 2017. This paper concludes with discussing how to understand the result of the $19^{th}$ presidential elections and what implications it has in prospecting the party realignment in Korean electoral politics.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.307-344
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• 2009

This year of 2009 is the 420th anniversary for the high treason case in the year of ox (year 1589). Until now, there is an endless discussion still progressing about Jeong, Yeo Rip. The evaluation of such individual varies widely according to the viewpoint of each individual. However, the problem is that such confusion or issue is exaggerated under the pretense of his idea's progressivity. The true identity and ideology of Jeong, Yeo Rip will become clear once we review such fact from the origin. This article considered abstract and ideological evaluation of occasion and took its approach thoroughly based on the historical research of literature. Until now, some parts academic world have denied and argued about the fabrication about every details of Jeong, Yeo Rip and event of high treason in the year of ox while accepting the habitual sentence spoken by such individual without a doubt. They have exaggerated Jeong, Yeo Rip as an 'Incompleted Revolutionist' or 'Individual of Revolutionary Ideology'. However, it is imprecise to speak about the terminology of 'Revolutionary'. His ideology is simply elucidating the principal of original Confucianism or a new interpretation of the principle of Confucianism. Jeong, Yeo Rip wanted to contradict the system of national school based on the Zhu-xi's ideology and returned to the principle of original Confucianism. His idea of utopia based on the Confucianism arouse out of the intention of reviving the spirit of original Confucianism. His antagonistic propensity to Zhu-xi's ideology or political idea has transcended the principle of justification based on Sung Confucianism and was also logical and realistic. He was forced on to the deadly circumstance since the society of Joseon Dynasty couldn't accept such logical and progressive idea and deemed him to be nothing more than a disturbing element for the society.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.69-81
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• 2015

Under the premise that parks have been a performing field of welfare ideology that benefits the citizen from the past, the present study began with a basic question on what substance a park has and how it has worked. Therefore, this study tried to find out the theoretic background that can explain the roles of a park as an instrument for welfare, of which topic is currently being discussed, and examine how the ideology in the debate regarding welfare characteristics of parks are differentiated from those of social welfare. In addition, this study divided the process of development of parks defined by Galen Cranz in an attempt to view how welfare benefits offered by parks have changed in their development and looked into the roles and types of welfare functions that parks provided to the citizens under a certain social situation by period. Furthermore, the characteristics and development of the ideology underlying a welfare park were examined by function and element in its progression. The results of this study are as follows. The functions that parks have performed so far can be classified into three categories. First, they have a remedial function. Parks have given direct services to 'the socially disadvantaged' such as relief, fostering, and rehabilitation. Second, parks have played a preventive function. They aim to reinforce the functions of individual, family, group, and community. Third, they have exerted a developmental function. They function to promote change of society in a way for it to contribute to social development. Looking into the roles and functions of parks from the perspective of their beneficiary class and benefits, the following were discovered. First, the beneficiaries of welfare characteristics in parks have expanded to the general public from the poor class, and the benefits of parks have spread into the public including the underprivileged in a real sense. Second, the significance of welfare characteristics in parks has also changed from literal benefits to caring for basic human rights. Third, the purpose of welfare characteristics in parks has changed from providing minimal conditions to optimal conditions. At its beginning, the ideology of welfare in parks remained ideal, confining itself to their idealistic characteristics; but as time went on, they created several social benefits in response to various social demands, developing into a field where welfare ideology manifests and is realized in an active manner. Furthermore, it was witnessed that the parks and welfare of the present times are standing at the point of contact for participation and universal well-being. The present study reconsidered the meaning and value of parks from perspective of them as a provider of welfare benefits as well as examined how the welfare ideology of parks is connected to practice. By doing so, this study discovered the various roles, values, and ideology that parks should bear in the future. Therefore, this study is expected to be a good example for future research related to the topic.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.69-89
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• 2010

We investigated the frames represented in the news media coverage in Korean daily newspapers during dismissal procedure of the director-general of the public service broadcaster, KBS. We analyzed 470 newspaper stories in the period surrounding the dismissal. The use of news frames in newspapers depended on the disposition of outlets, conservative or progressive. Conservative newspapers, ChoSun and DongA, described the dismissal of the director -general with a generally favorable or supportive view, but progressive outlets, Hankyoreh and KyeongHyang, reported more and non-favorable for the issue. Our results showed that conservative newspapers more often used episodic and cause for dismissal frame in the presentation of news, whereas progressive more often used thematic and media independence frames. Main frames commonly used in the news are the cause for dismissal, conflict, media independence, and regime maintenance, respectively, which are formed by 9 minor news frames. Conservative newspapers concentered on the cause attribution; management responsibility, conflicts, and dismissal procedures, but progressive focused on media independence and dismissal procedures. All newspapers selectively quoted groups, institutions and actors to enhance their messages and frames. Finally, there was significant difference between stories in each newspapers and the court's ruling for the dismissal.