• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.175-214
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• 2021

In the Joseon Dynasty, Confucian literati sacralized their daily lives through ritual practices across the three dimensions of time, place, and humanity. 1) In the dimension of time, they cultivated in their personal lives by accepting and thoroughly practicing the ethical principles of the Elementary Learning (『小學』). These practices of self-cultivation developed into ritualized practices of daily routine from the perspective of neo-Confucianism. 2) In the spatial dimension, local public schools (鄕校), local private academies (書院), and village private schools (書塾) were constructed as the symbolic places for disseminating Confucian norms through intensive seminar activities and collective learning sessions (講會). These places were also used for the pious recitations of selected Confucian proverbs that had been ritualized by Confucian literati. 3) In the dimension of humanity, pious consciousness, reinforced by the ritualized practice of periodic sacrifices or intensive reading, was subconsciously deepened and projected onto dreams individuals reported of their deceased fathers or teachers. According to the Confucian ritualization process, people were seen as being able to sanctify their daily lives by thoroughly internalizing and effectively realizing Confucian values.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.186-218
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• 2017

The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.14-27
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• 2010

This study is aimed at understanding the wisdom of our ancestors in Korean traditional villages and finding out cues to designate and utilize community space in planning residential area in villages by examining community space in Korean traditional villages from cultural landscape point of view. This study designated 18 Korean traditional villages which have been preserving Korean traditional culture up to now, so deserve conservation from historical, cultural and artistic viewpoint. This study divided community spaces in each village into social area and ritual area depending on their uses and functions based on the results of pilot study and main study. In addition, ritual areas were also divided into Confucian ritual area and ethnic ritual area. Specifically, this study examined characteristics of space location and users by understanding the location of community space factors in the 18 villages. As for the factor analysis of community spaces, community factors established after the modern age were examined from modern viewpoint, and factors which had been destroyed or lost their original functions were examined from retrospective viewpoint. In conclusion, this study found out that cultural landscape in Korean traditional villages were affected by social relationship among villagers. The community spaces of villagers were multiple-function space rather than a space which was exclusively used by a specific class. Though the occupation of these spaces was separated and differentiated depending on sexes and ages, villagers tried to understand and respect each other through tacit communication.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.89-97
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• 2016

This study looked at the sacrifice space building in the Changbai Mountain area to a specific era in terms of the cultural landscape. The scared of Changbai Mountain how changes in history came despite the regime and national change, interpretation of the reason was the scared maintained. The results of this study are as follows. First, Replacement of the regime in the Republic of China in the Qing period, ethnic diversity, underwent a cultural acceptance. So Changbai Mountain nature of sacrifice, the divine subject has formed the changes. Second, the Qing Royal sacrifice space Wangji Temple(望祭殿) have formed a unique cultural space and the sacrifice of authoritative content with only space. The Republic of China period, a new folk beliefs were born between the defense in the face of the Han Chinese migration and settlement process. Build Sacrifice space of Rulai Temple(如來寺) and Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟). Third, the spatial relationship between the priest and the Changbai Mountain area Wangji Temple(望祭殿) is the power of space as vertical space. Rulai Temple(如來寺), Shanshenlaobatou Temple(山神老把頭廟) is located in the Changbai Mountain and horizontal space was obedient to the space. Fourth, the sacrifice ritual Wangji Temple(望祭殿) of the Qing Dynasty is the only ritual sacrifice of satisfaction. It is cut off depending on the abolition of imperial power. Currently, public ritual sacrifice is commonplace rituals and sacrifices of the Qing Dynasty is only formally underway. In conclusion, as it has been maintained for the sanctity historically Changbai Mountain. Changbai Mountain sacrifice space was changing through the acceptance of the replacement of the regime and culture of ethnic offerings from a single culture of the Qing Dynasty. Currently, to form a sacrifice space and culture overlap through a mutually acceptable.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.85-95
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• 2022

This study intends to analyze the meaning of symbolism in ancestral memorial rite arrangemen from the view that ancestral worship connecting traditional society with modernity are the transmission of ritual. It appears as a change the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements that became the basis and ideology about the Confucian view of life and death, an understanding of the universe structure, and a change in the four seasons. Ancestral memorial rite arrangements acknowledge the existence of ancestors. And it is understood as a ceremonial instrument which the living and the dead communicate spatially with time through the symbolic system. In addition, the four seasons, spaces of the skyground and underground were symbolized and embodied through the selection and arrangement of ancestral memorial rites. In the modern ancestral memorial rite arrangement, the factors that determine the location require Time-space analysis of the target. This is because the offering is understood not only as a functional role but also as a temporal and spatial symbolism to be expressed through the offering. In this study, it is meaningful to consider it from the perspective of inheritance of ancestral worship culture through discussions about the ideological background and symbolic system that appeared in ancestral memorial rite arrangement

• Korean Journal of Social Issues
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.127-156
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• 2017

최근 몇 년 동안 서울에서는 도시공간에 관한 권리를 둘러싼 격렬한 투쟁이 이어져왔다. 급작스러운 임대료 상승과 그에 뒤따르는 폭력적 전치는 이제 도시생활의 일상적 의례의 하나로 자리잡은 듯하다. 흔히 '젠트리피케이션'으로 명명되는 도시공간의 자본화는 한편으로 도시 내 계급지배가 관철되는 대표적 양상이지만, 다른 한편으로는 다양한 형태의 도시운동이 발생하는 조건과 배경으로도 작용한다. 이 논문에서는 최근 서울의 도시공간에서 발견되는 도시운동의 새로운 형태들을 2010년 이후 등장한 세 개의 도시 운동 집단, '맘편히장사하고픈상인모임(맘상모),' 리슨투더시티, 비빌기지에 초점을 맞춰 검토한다. 구체적으로 이 글에서는 도시공간에 대한 이들의 대안적 상상과 실천의 형성 과정을 서울의 젠트리피케이션이라는 맥락에서 살펴보고, 이들이 제시하는 도시운동의 '새로움'을 과거의 도시운동과 비교 분석하며, 도시운동으로서 이들의 실천이 지닌 함의를 도시권의 관점에서 고찰한다. 내용과 형식의 다양성에도 불구하고 이들 집단의 행동은 몇몇 핵심적 특성을 공유한다. 첫째, 이들은 공동재(commons)로서의 도시공간을 추구한다. 둘째, 이들은 느슨하고 유연하며 소규모의 조직을 지향한다. 셋째, 이들은 예술과 문화를 주체형성에 적극적으로 동원한다. 이러한 특성들은 철거민운동으로 대표되는 전통적 계급 기반 도시운동과 뚜렷한 차이를 나타내며, 계급 이후(post-class) 도시권의 전망을 선취한다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.212-231
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• 2021

This study examines the types of gods worshiped in the homes of Utsunoya village, the places where they are enshrined, the rituals and food offered to the gods, the decorations during the rituals, and the people's beliefs. Also, by comparing the gods worshiped in houses in remote Utsunoya with those of downtown Shizuoka, the differences and changes in the gods worshiped in the two contemporary spaces were predicted. Today, the gods enshrined in Utsunoya's houses are amatelaseu oomikami (天照大神), ancestor, ebisu, daigoku, kojin, inari, the god of the toilet, the god of land, and the god of water. From December 31st to January 3rd and on January 15th, Obon (July 15th), October when there is a festival at the village shrine, and on Ebisu Day (October 19th and 20th), residents offer drinks and food to the gods. Japanese beliefs at home are polytheistic in nature. They maintain national identity through kamidana and maintain family identity through ancestor worship linked to the Buddhist altar. The Japanese beliefs at home are firmly established in the background of the home, the base of family life. Japanese houses have a strong character as a religious space where they coexist "with the gods," and the residents have a cultural tradition of living with the gods.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.379-412
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• 2009

According to "Jinjak-yigwe(進爵儀軌)", a special banquet was held at Yungyungdang(演慶堂, a kind of royal theatre) to celebrate the 40th birthday of Queen Soonwon(純元王后) in 1828. This banquet is famous for the presentation of nineteen new Jungjae(呈才) repertoires that the Crown Prince Hyomyung(孝明) created. In order to explore the theoretical basis for the reproduction and presentation of Yungyungdang(演慶堂) Jinjak(進爵, a type of royal banquets), in this article, the imagination and experience of the presentation of Yungyungdang Jinjak are pursued, while focussing on audience's reception. In Yungyungdang Jinjak, King Soonjo(純祖), Queen Soonwon and the prince were the special audience; they participated in the procedure of Ye(禮, etiquette of ceremony) and also were considered as the characters of certain repertoire of Jungjae. Hyomyung arranged the spectacles from the myths of Taoist gods and immortal hermits, as well as historic episodes of the past emperors' elegant tastes of music. These mythic and historic images lead the audience toward the imagination and experience on the transcendental world. Hyomyung, managing the administration as the representative of King Soonjo, tried to show absolute royal authority through the splendid performances of Yungyungdang Jinjak, so as to overcome the politicaly difficult situation. He set up the sacred world for his father King Soonjo, distinct from the secular ordinary world, and emphasized his position as the bridge between the two sides. He expressed his filial duty through the devotion of performing arts to display absolute royal authority.