• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.346
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• pp.58-59
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• 2004

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.147-168
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• 1995

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.260-263
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• 2016

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 1998

This study examines the change of female labor market structure during the last several decades, focusing the effects of demographic factors such as declining fertility and increasing educational attainment of women. Women of the recent cohort tend to postpone their first marriages, to attain higher levels of education, and to have smaller number of children than women of the old cohort. This demographic trend results in the change of the population compositions in a way that population subgroups with high labor force participation have been increased. In addition, women of each population subgroup supply their labor in the market with higher rate than their old cohort counterparts. The labor force participation rate of highly educated women, and of married women has been increased faster than that of women with low education and of unmarried women. Although childbirth is still one of the most critical barrier for the women's participation, more and more women with young children tend to work for pay than ever before. In spite of the demographic change which is supportive to the increasing labor force participation, the Korean labor market have lost its female participants for the last year of the economic restructuring, reflecting demand-side factors as well as demographic factors are essential to determine the labor force participation of women.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.135-159
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• 1997

Education effect on women's participation in the labor market has been known to be small in Korea. Then, the meaning of women's education as human capital needs to be questioned. Both the increasing desire for working among women and the criticism to under-utilization of women's education in the labor market reflect that women's education is surely perceived as human capital. However, women's education dose not seem to function well as human capital in the labor market. According to previous studies, it is pointed out that educational effect on women's participation in the labor market is weak but the effect on earnings is evident. There were few attempts to evaluate economic returns to women's education over the life-cycle analyzing both working and non-working women. Considering that the economic behaviors of women in nonagricultural sector have changed little until the mid-1980s, I tried to examine the meaning of education as human capital over the women's life cycle using cross - sectional data. This study shows that the educational effect on women's participation in the labor market does not exist and the working period is very short. Although the educational effect on earnings among working women is clearly shown, it tends to limited to younger women. Despite the educational effect on earnings among younger women, the meaning of education as human capital among Korean women does not hold well due to short working period and the low participation of the educated in the labor market.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.93-129
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• 2013

Analyzing the change in consumption pattern depending on the employment of married women, the spendings in transportation, education, and dining out are increased. The change in consumption patterns depending on the increase of dual-income family can be seen as the increased demand of market service that replaces the household production service. Especially when the employment of married woman from high income class(highly educated, middle-class, upper-class) is increased, they tend to get employed in more professional and highly skilled industries, which leads to higher effect on employment induction, and consequently increasing the labor demand for low-skilled service industry.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.277-306
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• 2017

This article empirically explores the impact of minijobs in the wake of the Hartz reform in Germany on women's employment relationship. Theoretically it is of great significance to examine whether the minijobs play an active role as a bridge in leading the minijobbers to regular, socially secured jobs or not. Several interviews as well as secondary data I could get during my sabbatical in 2015 were used to test the theory. One of the main findings was the fact that the minijob labor market opened doors wide for women in Germany, particularly for career-interrupted women, students or pensioners. However, the minijob can easily become a trap of lowest income and poverty for women. Most women minjobbers cannot go over to regular, socially secured jobs. Especially in terms of collective industrial relations, it considerably damages the power of industrial unions and the legal binding force of collective agreement. In conclusion, this study makes it clear that the labor market segmentation theory rather than the transitional labor market theory is valid in accounting for the reality of minijob in Germany. In other words, the minijob in Germany has a Toijan Horse Effect. It also suggests, from a practical viewpoint, that German industrial unions or works councils organize the minijobbers and that the coverage of collective agreements be extended to the minijobbers. Consequently, the time-selective part-timer model put into practice in Korea in 2014 is not only invalid but also undesirable.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.51-72
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• 2005

The purpose of this article is to empirically testify three hypotheses on the relation between married women's employment and the allocation of unpaid domestic work within households - i.e., adaptive partnership (AP), dual burden (DB) and lagged adaptation (LA) models. The AP hypothesis assumes that, when wives are employed, husbands spend more time doing housework in order to compensate for their wives' increased responsibility. The DB model, by contrast, indicates that, even if married women are employed, their burden on domestic work does not decrease. In this case, therefore, the dual burden of married women can be expected. Between these two opposite views, the third, alternative hypothesis has been suggested recently. The LA model argues that the behaviours of households are adaptive to the changing environments but over a period of many years and even across generations. The article has analysed the total work time as well as unpaid domestic work time to testify these three hypotheses, utilising 1999 Time Use Survey data of the National Statistical Office. The research results can be summarised as follows. First, married working women worked 100 minutes more than their male spouses. Second, the average domestic work time of married men, 23-25 minutes per day, was no more than 5-10% of that of women. Third, the effects of age and women's employment were not statistically significant in multiple regression models, which means that the DB hypothesis explains the situation of married working women in Korea. Based on these findings, the article suggested the expansion of the public social service system to mitigate the dual burden of married working women, the introduction of compensatory credit for caring work, and the directions of further empirical research using the time use survey data.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.53-78
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• 2021

The concept of household labor is composed of housework and family care, and it provides a framework for understanding daily life from the perspective of work-life balance. The purpose of this study was to investigate the household labor time of Korean adults by gender and generation over the last 20 years. Data was taken from the five Statistics Korea Life Time Surveys from 1999 (t1) to 2019 (t5) (n=69,196). The major results are as follows: first, gender and generation were found to have a significant relationship with household labor time over the study period. Household labor time for females was 3.8 times that of males in 1999, but females' household labor time decreased over the next 20 years while males' increased, including both housework and family care. The female participation rate in household work also remained steady, while that for males increased. Second, in the younger and middle generations, a similar gender and generational pattern was seen. Third, in the older generation, household time and participation rates for both females and males increased. The family welfare policy and theoretical implications of these results are discussed.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.453-474
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• 1998

This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.