• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.62
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• pp.285-311
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• 2020

Many people are suffering from the economic crisis and poverty that are deepening due to the recent spread of the COVID-19 epidemic. In this situation, this study focuses on the biblical Jubilee in order to seek how "Jubilee justice" can be realized in the modern context. The Law of Jubilee consists of four contents: the liberation of slaves, debt remission, land return and fallow. Ultimately it aims to prevent human slavery and preserve equality. Nevertheless, the thought of Jubilee has been distorted theologically and situationally, and as a result, it has been overlooked in the field of Christian education, and there is a limit in Christian practice for social justice. The thought of Jubilee, however, can be an alternative to overcome various problems of modern society such as the issue of the privatization of Christianity or the deepening of polarization caused by neoliberal globalization and can contribute positively to the practice of social justice. In other words, the thought of Jubilee can act as a biblical initiative in reforming wrong laws and establishing institutions for the poor on the institutional level; on the personal level, it can be a great motive in terms of the change of perception and the practice of the sharing economy. Jubilee education, which aims for Jubilee justice, helps to break the misconceptions and change the existing meaning perspectives on the basis of various interdisciplinary knowledge and supports social behavior for transforming social structure through activation of public opinion and fund raising at the practical level. Therefore, the learners of Christian education can play a public role in transforming the unjust society.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.443-469
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• 2018

In the sixty year since the first launch of Sputnik 1, it has become impossible to consider economic, political, or scientific human life in the communication field without reference to outer space. But, there is a growing groundswell of public opinion aimed at preventing arms race in space. Therefore it is necessary to establish some institution or mechanism such a code of conduct, international law. But every nation has a different posture on the grounds of national interest, or different levels of space development, the conditions required for the successful negotiation of a comprehensive treaty are not yet ripe. It is hoped that by beginning with soft measures (TCBM, Code of Conduct) for which it is easier to secure voluntary participation it may be possible to build up to a comprehensive treaty. The participation of the Space powers (US, Russia, China) in a dialogue of mutual exchange and shared information would contribute to international peace and give a long term benefit to humankind. It is also necessary to promote partnership through regional and bilateral cooperation. We should guide and shape opinion so that more nations ratify and sign existing international legal covenants in order to contribute to the efficency of Space law. International law needs to enforce PAROS and Space Security.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.211-223
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• 2022

This study aims to verify the possibility of using the blog mining to collect public opinion in the field of housing policy, thus, it collected blog posts with the keyword 'Happy Housing', extracted the main keywords from them, and analyzed the public's perception through keyword and word cluster analysis. 137,002 blog posts were used as analysis data from May 2013, when social discussion about happy housing spread, to August 2021, and the words derived by dividing the period into three stages in consideration of major housing policies and data collection were analyzed. The results are as follows. In the keyword analysis, overall, the importance of words related to the location, the number, the size, and the conditions for occupancy of Happy Housing is high. In the first stage, government policy implementation, in the second stage, the application process for Happy Housing, and in the third stage, recruitment notices, occupancy qualifications, and rental conditions are found to be highly important. In cluster analysis, project progress, application process, and project area were drawn as main themes at all stages. In particular, policy implementation and implementation plan in the first stage, occupancy qualification and financial support in the second stage, and policy implementation and occupancy qualification in the third stage were drawn as main themes. These results present the possibility of the blog mining as a method of collecting public opinion by sharing policy-related information, reflecting social issues, evaluating whether policies are delivered, and inferring the public's participation in policies.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.163-170
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• 2012

Nowadays Internet is the greatest and most participating media of prompting expression with 37 million users in Korea. Internet enables collective communications between social members and contributes to form sound public opinions and to develop democracy while it has negative aspect to distribute massively crime by illegal posting which is forbidden by the Criminal Act. Criminal actors who involve to diffuse information on Internet consist of three categories of information provider, user and internet service provider. Illegal posting generated on Internet is originated from IP and the criminal regulation on it is useless and meaningless because of its countless of users and ambiguous boundary with liberty for expression. Accordingly, the only criminal policy means to prevent danger by illegal posting on Internet is to regulate ISP which saves illegal posting and mediates contacts among users. In spite of it, legislation to regulate ISP is unprepared. The prudent legislative review should be done. And it should be accordance with the doctrines of propriety and vagueness of the principle of "nulla poena sine lege".

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.44
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• pp.75-100
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to explore ways in which the flower design industry can utilize podcasts that are rapidly growing in recent years. I selected foreign flower podcasts that are ranked on the global podcast chart, and examined the genre, content, components, show hosts and etc. By analyzing the characteristics of the podcast, the type of communication between the host and the audience, the audience interaction, the industry connection, and the media expansion strategy, I tried to derive the possibility of the flower podcast in Korea. As a result of analyzing foreign flower podcasts, podcasters built listener communities based on their rich experience and knowledge through podcasts and used them for education and marketing. They acted as leaders in the industry or led public opinion such as the sustainable flower industry. Podcast shows were repurposed as various content and used to spread flower design culture. In Korea, flower podcasts can be the basis for the formation of a community related to the flower design industry. Flower design experts can use podcasts as a source asset for various content. Listeners within the industry can get hands-on knowledge about the business from flower podcasts. The popular flower podcast will contribute to the vitalization of flower design culture and industry. Flower podcasts can be a starting point to actively cope with the era of personal media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.463-495
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• 2009

Korea has started to pay attention to civic journalism in recent years while it initially emerged in the United State since late 1980s. Furthermore, albeit some discernable limitations, the Internet has played an important role in fertilizing civic journalism as indicated by the emergence of online news media and the increasing number of civic journalists engaged in the online activities. Whereas there are some patterns of civic journalism practice and the civic influence commonly observed in both countries, there are significant factors that distinguish th1e case of Korea from that of the U.S. The purpose of this study is to compare the two countries in terms of the patterns of civic journalism practice and civic influence. This goal has been achieved by analyzing ‘CNN iReport’ in the U.S. and ‘Ohmynews’ in Korea, both of which are prime civic journalism websites. Those websites have been compared in light of four standards of civic journalism: first, the degree of post-objectivism; second, the search for effective resolutions of social problems; third, civic engagement in the news making process to enhance bottom-up agenda setting; and finally, citizens’ interaction with the news. The results reveal that the American civic journalism website is more likely to shed light on deviating from the principle of objectivity and seeking alternatives and resolutions of social problems. Moreover, it effectively utilizes civic engagement in the news Abstracts 551 making process as indicated by the higher numbers of civic journalists and civic news resources. Also, readers’ interaction with the news was found to be more active in the iReport website than in the Ohmynews.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.157-179
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• 2017

In Korea, 'spoon class discourse' has attracted public attention in the press and among young people, which reflects that mass awareness that the class status structure is clearly rooted in the society becomes widespread. Although income distribution has been improved since late 2000s, it is interesting that Korean people's subjective perception concerning class mobility and social justice has been worsemed. By using the survey data on people's perception of opportunity inequality, this study finds that Korean people have by and large negative subjective awareness regarding socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, and achievement by efforts, and that the degree of the negative perception is greater in accordance with the people's subjective identification. The regression analysis reveals that the social status of respondents and their parents(-), experience of discrimination(+), age(-), and high education of college and above (+) have consistent effect over socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, and achievement by efforts with statistical significance. More concretely, as people have lower subjective status identification at the time of parent generation and their own generation, as they have the experience of discriminatory misconduct, and as they are young and highly educated, they have negative or pessimistic perception regarding opportuinity inequality. In addition, it is revealed that the unemployed and non-regular workers have significantly negative perception on socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, while negative perception on the magnitude of opportunity inequality and achievement by efforts is noticeable among high and middle income households.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.74
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• pp.45-78
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• 2022

South Africa implemented apartheid from 1948 to 1994. The main content of this policy was to classify races such as whites, Indians, mixed-race people, and blacks, and to limit all social activities, including residence, personal property ownership, and economic activities, depending on the class. All races except white people were discriminated against and suppressed for having different skin colors. South African citizens resisted the government's indiscriminate violence, and public opinion criticizing them expanded beyond the local community to various parts of the world. One of the things that made this possible was photographs detailing the scene of the violence. Foreign journalists who captured popular oppression as well as photographers from South Africa were immersed in recording the lives of those who were marginalized and suffered on an individual level. If they had not been willing to inform the reality and did not actually record it as a photo, many people would not have known the horrors of the situation caused by racial discrimination. Therefore, this paper focuses on Rise and Fall of Apartheid: Photography and the Bureau of Everyday Life, which captures various aspects of apartheid and displays related records, and examines the aspects of racism committed in South Africa described in the photo. The exhibition covers the period from 1948 when apartheid began until 1995, when Nelson Mandela was elected president and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was launched to correct the wrong view of history. Many of the photos on display were taken by Peter Magubane, Ian Berry, David Goldblatt, and Santu Mofoken, a collection of museums, art galleries and media, including various archives. The photographs on display are primarily the work of photographers. It is both a photographic work and a media that proves South Africa's past since the 1960s, but it has been mainly dealt with in the field of photography and art history rather than from a historical or archival point of view. However, the photos have characteristics as records, and the contextual information contained in them is characterized by being able to look back on history from various perspectives. Therefore, it is very important to expand in the previously studied area to examine the time from various perspectives and interpret it anew. The photographs presented in the exhibition prove and describe events and people that are not included in South Africa's official records. This is significant in that it incorporates socially marginalized people and events into historical gaps through ordinary people's memories and personal records, and is reproduced in various media to strengthen and spread the context of record production.