• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.171-179
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• 2018

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.92-114
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze people's motivations to use the National Petition service of CheongWaDae, the Presidential Office of Korea. The online space has been used as a testbed of deliberative democracy. In fact, a wide variety of public opinions are being formed and gaining sympathy through the E-Petitions and Daum's Agora. In this regard, President Moon's government launched a petition site to gather public opinions. For any petition agreed on by more than 20,000 people within 30 days, the relevant ministry or the President's office must provide answers or feedback. This study wants to figure out how this National Petition is different from previous platforms like Agora or E-Petitions and why it is so well-received by people. This study uses a mix of both qualitative and quantitative methods. First, we conducted a focus group interview to factorize experiences of using the National Petition into measurable constructs. Second, we did a survey o 156 Koreans who had experienced the National Petition. Results show that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust have positive impact on continuous usage intention. This study argues that symbolism, usefulness, gratification, and trust factors should be in place rather than technical aspects in order to increase the actual participation of users on the online platform of deliberative democracy. In addition, this study is meaningful in that it examined how different the CheongWaDae's National Petition is from the existing platforms for collecting public opinions and analyzed factors that encourage continuous use.

• Nuclear industry
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• v.37 no.10
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• pp.64-67
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• 2017

신고리 5 6호기 공론화 과정에서 시민참여단 471명은 2박3일의 합숙을 통해 토론에 참여했다. 오리엔테이션까지 포함해 약 한 달에 걸친 '숙의민주주의'의 시험대였다. 시민참여단으로 활동한 한 시민의 체험기를 소개한다. <한겨레> 2017-10-21

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.1-31
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• 2015

World Wide Views on Climate and Energy held on 6 June 2015 was a structured citizens' deliberative consultation forum involving 10,000 citizens in 77 countries, and South Korea was one of the participating countries. Citizen participants, selected to reflect the demographic diversity in their countries or regions, were given information beforehand and deliberated for a full day with other citizens and voted on an identical set of questions, designed to reflect policy controversies at the UN COP negotiations to be held in Paris on December 2015. This study, firstly, analyzes the backgrounds and purposes of World Wide Views on Climate and Energy and reports the WWViews event held in Seoul, Korea before examining the theoretical implication of it. And then, this study discusses about the features and opportunities of World Wide Views on Climate and Energy as a way of forming a global deliberative governance by focusing on deliberative democracy, citizen participatory governance, and global citizenship.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.6 no.1 s.11
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• pp.1-30
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• 2006

This paper is to analyse the case of citizen participation employed in the local government, Buk-gu (Northern District) in the city of Ulsan, Korea. A kind of deliberative type of citizen participation named' citizen jury' was exercised to resolve an environmental conflict between Buk-gu government and its residents. The conflict was caused by the construction of a food waste recycling facility near by some residential areas in Buk-gu. Theoretically this paper makes a typology of citizen participation methods. Two criteria are employed. First of all, lay citizens are the primary participant or not? Secondly, interactive communication is feasible or not among participants in the process of citizen participation. Four generic types of citizen participation are sorted out: technocratic, pluralist, direct/participatory, and deliberative type. Especially deliberative type of citizen participation is based on an idea of deliberative democracy. This paper argues that the case of citizen participation employed in Buk-gu belongs to deliberative type of citizen participation. The argument is based on the following reasons. Firstly, primary participants in deliberation process can be considered as lay citizens though they are selected form local NGOs and religious groups. According to a survey, most of participants said that they would participate in the process of deliberation in the capacity of lay citizens though they were selected by their own groups. Secondly, the citizen participation process was deliberately designed and implemented to facilitate competence of primary participants and fairness in the deliberation. Viewed from this analysis, this Buk-gu case can be safely considered an innovative method of citizen participation which is also very successful in resolving intractable environmental conflict in the local government.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.173-208
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• 2017

Along with its expertise and yearning for freedom, Science has been seduced from Society. Coupled with societal uncertainty and complexity, the Science has faced the difficulty of solving societal issues and recognized its limitation on the control of quality it has kept. This leads to yield its way for opening up the societal participation. With this situation in mind, this paper explores the ways of societal participation on science based on previous studies but limited to evaluation. While the classical evaluation on science is conducted by only experts and not opened to the public, both the participatory and deliberative evaluation on science are open to the public and fitted to this research subject. Both evaluations are in common to expand its involvement to the broader stakeholder than classical one, but have discrepancy in the perspective of evaluands, evaluation methology applied, scope of participants and role of mediators. Along with the main obstacles such as political acceptance, representative of participants, competency of mediators, epistemic limitation and institutional path-dependency, this paper articulates the ways to implement both evaluations. Last but not least, this paper puts an importance on various and consequent research activities on this domain, reorganizing societal system and weighting efforts.