• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.1-15
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• 2010

We study the thought of numerical theory of $Sh\grave{a}o$ $K\bar{a}ngji\acute{e}$. He explained the change of universe and everything in his theoretical system in tradition of . It is contained in his . We conjecture that this book influenced . Choi Suk Jung tried to embody the ideas of $Sh\grave{a}o$ $K\bar{a}ngji\acute{e}$ in .

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.67-82
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• 2009

We study Choi Suk Jung's on perspective of philosophy of mathematics. He explains Chosun mathematics as systems of Changes through and redefines on So Kang Gul's Sasang theory. This is the unique view on Chosun mathematics. we conjecture that Choi Suk Jung tries to establish the mathematical principle on So Kang Gul's Sasang theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.387-415
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• 2010

This article examines Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s theory of I-Qing(易經) present in Yi Xue Qi Meng. Zhu Xi aims to establish a novel Confucian theory of I-Qing, examining the study of I-Qing in Han Dynasity and the Taoist theory of I-Qing. To this end, he embraces Shao Yong(邵雍)'s theory of Xian Tian. Adapting the notion of Xian Tian(先天) as developed by Shao, he completes the Image-Number(象數) Theory of Hetu-Luoshu(河圖洛書). While discussing Hetu Luoshu, Zhu Xi argues that the Image and Number are not merely a form of prognostication, but a medium that reveals the principles of the nature and the sagely ways of mind. In addition, by studing I-Zhuan(易傳) in authoring Yi Xue Qi Meng, Zhu Xi maintains that the notions of Image and Number as he understands were to be approved by Confucius. This leads to the unification of Sho Yong's Tai-Ji(太極), Zou Dun Yi(周 敦頤)'s Tai-Ji, and Tai-Ji in Hetu. Through this work, Zhu Xi attempts to construct a systematic philosophy that straddles ontology and value theory, while identifying Li (理) with Xiang (象) and Shu (數). The Image-Number Theory of Hetu-Luoshu has replaced numerous theories of Image and Number at the time of Zhu Xi. Based on this theory, he restores the method of divination as presented in Xi CI Zhuan(繫辭傳). By successfully applying his theory of Image and Number to interpreting a number of recorded examples of divination during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Zhu Xi demonstrates that his theory is not only an abstract metaphysical theory, but also can function as an adaptable method of divination.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2000

대태극적내용화재인신내응장하처간작태극적문제진행료고찰(對太極的內容和在人身內應將何處看作太極的問題進行了考察), 득도료여하결론(得到了如下結論). 1. 태극최조재주역계사전중유공자장태극제시위팔괘생성적기본원리(太極最早在周易繫辭傳中由孔子將太極提示爲八卦生成的基本原理), 지후(之後), 량한도당대적저일기간내(兩漢到唐代的這一期間內), 인위태극시창조만물적원시적혼돈지기(認爲太極是創造萬物的原始的混沌之氣), 중앙원기(中央元氣), 몰유분화위음양적기적개념(沒有分化爲陰陽的氣的槪念), 당시피해석위우주간최초적혼연일체적원기적사상점료주류(當時被解釋爲宇宙間最初的渾然一體的元氣的思想占了主流). 2. 주돈신작태극도설(周敦?作太極圖說), 최초제시료무극적개념(最初提示了無極的槪念), 지후(之後), 이주자위대표(以朱子爲代表), 송대적성리학자장태극해석위만물중적궁극지리(宋代的性理學者將太極解釋爲萬物中的窮極之理), 최초장태극해석위리(最初將太極解釋爲理). 3 한동석계승료금일부적삼극설(韓東錫繼承了金一夫的三極說), 이삼극적변화원리설명료태극(以三極的變化原理說明了太極).. 손일규(孫一奎), 조헌가(趙獻可), 장개빈등주장명문설(張介賓等主張命門說), 견지명문위태극(堅持命門爲太極), 인위저명문위우태극적본체수기작용적신장지간(認爲這命門位于太極的本體水起作用的腎臟之間), 동통제수화(同統制水火), 추동인체생명력적원천(推動人體生命力的源泉), 인차여철학상소론급적태극적개념유류사지처(因此與哲學上所論及的太極的槪念有類似之處). 4. 황원어주장적중기위태극설(黃元御主張的中氣爲太極說) 인위태극내창조생명적근원지기(認爲太極乃創造生命的根源之氣), 창조지후야불단공급생명(創造之後也不斷供給生命) 력적중기구유태극적속성(力的中氣具有太極的屬性). 재저일점상가이해석위수토합덕지공적위치(在這一点上可以解釋爲水土合德之空的位置), 대차환유대진일보적고찰(對此還有待進一步的考察). 5. 소동진주장적비위태극설인위비위십토(邵同珍主張的脾胃太極說認爲脾爲十土), 위생명통일적기초(爲生命統一的基礎), 인차응파타인위시무극위타(因此應把?認爲是無極爲妥). 6. 소강절주장적심위태극설인위만물중매일물도시일개태극(邵康節主張的心爲太極說認爲萬物中每一物都是一?太極), 구유태극적속성(具有太極的屬性), 심재오행중속화(心在五行中屬火), 위발동광명지처(爲發動光明之處), 인차이삼극적원리래간(因此以三極的原理來看), 이오토장태극수진행분열(以五土將太極水進行分裂), 지칠화적황극적위치급통치병주재만물적군주지위(至七火的皇極的位置及統治幷主宰萬物的君主之位). 7. 당종해주장적미분지란위태극지설(唐宗海主張的未分之卵爲太極之說), 장태극비유위계란적원시물질(將太極比喩爲鷄卵的原始物質), 란핵등(卵核等), 단정자여란자상결합(但精子與卵子相結合), 상미진행분열적상태위원시적혼륜지물(尙未進行分裂的狀態爲原始的渾淪之物), 위장분화위음양지처(爲將分化爲陰陽之處), 인차본인인위장기정위태극적상법최위첩절(因此本人認爲將其定爲太極的想法最爲貼切).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.207-241
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• 2017

In the scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe, the expression 'Dosu (度數)' is frequently used and Jeungsan, Jeongsan, and Wudang also left behind many teachings related to Dosu. In this paper, the concept of Dosu is analyzed in detail and the achievement of an in-depth understanding of the concept of Dosu is attempted. The term Dosu is often used in traditional literature. In the classics, Dosu was used to mean institutions, standards, rules, law, figures, and the laws of heavenly bodies. In other words, Dosu is used to mean the laws of astronomy and the norms of human society. This meaning is expanded and used as the principle of the universe and nature. This concept of Dosu is related to the mathematical cosmological understanding of numbers as the principle of the universe. This type of mathematical cosmology was systematized by Shao Yong (邵雍). In the Joseon Dynasty, Seo Gyungduk (徐敬德) accepted it positively, and it thereby became an influential trend in Korean thought. In the world view of Daesoon thought, there exists the view that numbers as a principle of the universe, and of course this world view is connected to mathematical cosmology. In Daesoon thought, the concept of Dosu is based on the concept of traditional Dosu and adds an additional meaning which connects it to the Reordering of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa). Also, Dosu is used to mean the process of changing the principles and laws of cosmos through Jeungsan's Reordering of the Universe. It is especially the case that discourse about Dosu is widely used when describing the Reordering of the Universe. Jeungsan corrected, reorganized, and adjusted Dosu, as well as establishing new Dosu. Jeongsan, who succeeded Jeungsan, followed the Reordering of the Universe by Jeungsan, and also realized Dosu. In other words, Jeongsan acted and practiced according to the Dosu that had been enacted by Jeungsan. Also, Dosu means the process of the transformation of principle according to the Reordering of the Universe, and Wudang used the concept of Dosu to describe the historical process of Daesoon Jinrihoe. This means that the foundation of Mugeukdo, the change to Taegukdo, the establishment of Daesoon Jinrihoe, and the contruction of Yeoju headquarters are episodes in a divine history carried out through Dosu. Through this discourse, Daesoon Jinrihoe asserts a legitimacy that distinguishes itself from other sects, and believers can be inspired by the sacred meaning that they are participating in the Dosu of heaven and earth. This empowers their devotion and sincerity.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.1645-1651
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• 2015

This paper describes the changes of shape accuracy in workpiece materials depending on the turning clearance angle. The experiments started from choosing three workpiece materials, SM45C(machine structural carbon steel), STS303(stainless steel) and SCM415 (chrome-molybdenum steel). The experiments showed specifically how features of selected materials changed when they were processed with diverse machining depths, 0.1 mm, 0.2 mm and 0.3 mm, with various negative angles, $0.0^{\circ}(-6.0^{\circ})$, $0.3^{\circ}(-6.3^{\circ})$ and $0.9^{\circ}(-6.9^{\circ})$, and called cutting edge inclination starting from a fixed rotational speed, 2,500 rpm, focusing on the feed rate, 0.07 mm/rev and 0.10 mm/rev. The results of the accuracy of processing, cylindricity, deviation from coaxiality, etc. were compared using the graph and table. The accuracy of cylindricity in the order of degree $0.0^{\circ}{\rightarrow}0.3^{\circ}{\rightarrow}0.9^{\circ}$ depending on the workpiece materials showed the best cylindricity when it was $0.9^{\circ}$. In conclusion, the accuracy improved in specific degrees irrespective of the quality of the materials when the bite negative angles increased. This means that workability improved in these experiments. In addition, the processing shape changed depending on depth of the cut and feed rate.