• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.67-90
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• 2022

The March 2022 presidential election held at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic drew flak for undermining the principle of universal suffrage by failing to guarantee properly the voting rights of confirmed and quarantined persons. Guaranteeing their voting rights requires thinking about e-voting that can fundamentally overcome the temporal and spatial limitations of current paper voting polling stations. The question is how to deal with the increased possibility of contradicting or violating the principles of equality and direct and secret suffrage due to the expansion of universal suffrage. In order to obtain implications for this, we looked at the case of Estonia, which has been holding 11 national elections without any problems since the introduction of e-voting in 2005. Estonia was successfully building trust in the system, government, and society through the institutionalization and routinization of the overall socio-technical system of e-voting, along with political and constitutional agreements on the principles of elections. Therefore, we should not only consider the possibility of e-voting in terms of technological development and level but also discuss the establishment of trust by mediating conflicts between election principles from a normative point of view to reach a social consensus.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.43-67
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• 2007

This is the study of efficient security system for candidates for the 17th President. The president election will be held in 20 countries this year. As conflicts between interest groups are expected to emerge, they are afraid of accidental raid in the campaign tour in addition to revival of regionalism and possibility of confrontation between interest groups with issues of anti-FTA In our country. The purpose of this study is to suggest appropriate method through study of security system for president candidate as just 6 months are left for the 17th president election. Also this study covers security environment for the president election, principle of security, and theoretical study for cause of terror, security system domestic and abroad and its analysis and how to provide the efficient security for president candidate. Therefore first, for desirable security the security should be provided by professional org like president security department. Second, combined security for target by current rules should be done. Fourth, total security is necessary to prevent security threats in advance. Third, the public security should be provided for every president candidates. Fifth, example of secret service in America should be studied and economical security should be considered Sixth, we should increase the use of Security Company and martial artists.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.1.2-35
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• 2001

On the election day of the 16th Korea national Assembly, nationwide TV stations such as KBS, SBS and MBC broadcasted election forecasting based on telephone surveys and exit polls. The result turned out to be significantly wrong, undermining general audience's confidence on the 'ientific'surveys. The purpose of this study consists of the followings. I) What form of telephone surveys and exit polls were adopted by survey institutions in real field\ulcorner ii) What were the problems\ulcorner iii) What can we do to make it straight\ulcorner Major findings of the study include the ignorance of call-back rules in telephone survey and the inadequate number of sampled election posts to make satisfactory forecasting. It is pointed out that it is necessary to amend election laws related to election opinion polls to make a substantial progress.

• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-35
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• 2001

On the election day of the 16th Korea National Assembly. nationwide TV stations such as KBS. SBS and MBC broadcasted election forecasting based on telephone surveys and exit polls. The result turned out to be significantly wrong. undermining general audience's confidence on the “scientific” surveys. The purpose of this study consists of the followings. i) What form of telephone surveys and exit polls were adopted by survey institutions in real field\ulcorner ii) What were the problems\ulcorner iii) What can we do to make it straight\ulcorner Major findings of the study include the ignorance of call-back rules in telephone survey and the inadequate number of sampled election posts to make satisfactory forecasting. It is pointed out that it is necessary to amend election laws related to election opinion polls to make a substantial progress.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.337-374
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• 2017

Wer wegen eines Wahldelikts zu Geldstrafe von mehr als 1 Million Won verurteilt wird, verliert nach ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Dauer von $f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Jahren die $F{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$ ${\ddot{A}}mter$ zu bekleiden und Rechte aus ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ Wahlen. Bei Verurteilung zu Freiheitsstrafe wegen eines Wahldelikts ${\ddot{A}}mter$ sich die Dauer des Verlusts der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und des aktiven bzw. passiven Walhrechts auf 10 Jahre. Dies erfolgt kraft Gesetzes. Das $hei{\ss}t$, dass die Entscheidung ${\ddot{u}}ber$ das Ob und die Dauer des Verlusts nicht im Ermessen des Gerichts steht. Allerdings sollte $diesbez{\ddot{u}}glich$ nicht verkannt werden, dass ein deratriger Entzug von $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ u.s.w., mit dem eine Straftat geahndet werden soll, selber von Natur aus eine Art Strafen darstellt. Der im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Strafen-Katalog $enth{\ddot{a}}lt$ $n{\ddot{a}}mlich$ eine zeitlich begrenzte Aberkennung des oben genannten ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$n Rechtsstatus als eine Art Ehrenstrafen. Nicht einleuchtend ist, warum das Wesen der Sanktion $gem{\ddot{a}}{\ss}$ ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes, die den gleichen Zweck und die gleiche Rechtsfolge wie die im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Ehrenstrafe hat, nicht als Strafe aufgefasst werden sollte. Handelt es sich bei der oben genannten Sanktion um eine Art Ehrenstrafen, so stellt sich die Anforderung, sie je nach der Eigenart der begangenen Tat bzw. des $T{\ddot{a}}ters$ zu individualisieren. Das Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen, welches $haupts{\ddot{a}}chlich$ vom materiellen Rechtsstaatsprinzip ableitbar ist, kann im Grunde nur verwirklicht werden, wenn das Gericht dazu befugt ist, unter $Ber{\ddot{u}}cksichtigung$ der konkreten $Umst{\ddot{a}}nde$ jedes Einzelfalls ${\ddot{u}}ber$ eine angemessene Strafe zu befinden. Somit ist der kraft Gesetzes eintretenden Verlust der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und der $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ nur schwer mit dem Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen vereinbar. Es $w{\ddot{a}}re$ deshalb $w{\ddot{u}}nschenswert$, wenn der Gesetzgeber eine Reform in Betracht ziehen $w{\ddot{u}}rde$, welche den Ersatz des kraft Gesetzes automatisch eintretenden Entzugs der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ bzw. des Wahlrechts durch die gerichtliche fakultative Aberkennung von diesen Statusrechten beinhaltet.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.42 no.9
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• pp.90-91
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• 2010

지난 6월 30일 실시된 한국양계농협 조합장선거에서 오정길 현 조합장이 무투표 당선으로 재선에 성공했다. 이로써 오정길 조합장은 지금까지 다져온 튼튼한 기반을 바탕으로 2014년까지 재임기간인 4년 동안 양계농협 활성화와 조합원, 더 나아가 양계인들의 권익에 일익을 담당할 것으로 큰 기대를 모으고 있다. 본고는 한국양계농협 3대 조합장으로 취임한 오정길 조합장을 만나 향후 양계조합 운영방안에 대해 들어보았다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.10
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• pp.278-289
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• 2013

In the democratic country, it is the very natural principle that political party makes the candidate. In spite of that the nomination of political party abolition issue is not in the local election the problem of is being easily solved. Therefore, the recent argument about the nomination of political party of the basic local election and overseas case were organized and the reasonable alternative was sought for. As to the argument related to the nomination of political party, the discussion in which the groping of the waste paper or new alternative is needed stops so that the existing politicians can overcome the nomination of political party evil in spite of the opposition position. In the positive investigation, the populations which are many in the waste paper of the system of public nomination by party agree. However, the bad effect that can be shown up according to the waste paper of the nomination of political party is the woman allocation door. Therefore, some alternatives were presented in the bad effect that can be shown up according to the waste paper of the nomination of political party. This alternative is the participation subject expansion, the introduction of political party claim to support, the introduction of local political party system, the application of upward official nomination procedure, and etc. The participation subject expansion presented logically as the optimum alternative among this method, the decision of the alternative should be confirmed through the social agreement procedure.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.13
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• pp.551-575
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• 2007

한국에서의 경찰제도는 국가경찰의 형태로 운영되어와 획일적이고 중앙집중식의 경찰활동에 대한 거부감이 전반적으로 있어왔다. 그러나 지역주민의 의사에 따른 자율규율에 의한 다원적 민주주의를 실현하고 국민의 기본권을 실질적으로 보장하기 위하여 지난 1995년 지방자치단체의 장과 지방의회 의원의 동시선거가 시행되어 온 이래 10여년이 흘렀다. 그러나 지방자치제도가 시행되기 이전부터 자치경찰제도에 대한 논의는 지속적으로 이루어져 왔다. 자치경찰제에 있어서 주요쟁점의 핵심사항은 자치경찰제를 도입하는 것의 득실관계라고 볼 것인데 이는 관점과 어느 측면에 중점을 둘 것인가에 따라 다르게 나타나게 된다. 지방자치의 존재 이유 중에는 주민 복지적 차원에서 주민의 안전보호가 중요한 부분을 차지하고 있다. 특히 자치경찰제는 수사권독립과 함께 지난 몇 대에 걸친 각 대통령의 선거공약이었기 때문에 노무현 정부 출범 이후 정부는 지방분권차원에서 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 여러 가지 검토를 해 온 바 있다. 2004년 1월에 정부혁신지방분권위원회의 지방 분권과제 주요과제로 자치경찰제 방안을 검토하기 위해 위원, 관계 공무원 10명으로 자치경찰 T/F를 구성하여 운영한 이 후 자치경찰제 도입방안에 대하여 경찰정과 실시 단위 및 수행 사무 등 주요 쟁점에 대해 협의하면서 실천 가능한 방안을 마련하기 위해서 스페인, 프랑스, 이태리, 그리스 자치경찰기관을 현지 방문하여 외국 자치경찰 제도를 조사한 후 2004년 9월 중순에 자치경찰(안)을 발표하였다. 이 안은 크게 경찰을 사법경찰과 행정경찰로 구분하는 개념 하에 최초로 나온 자치경찰제에 대한 구체적 시행 안이라는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이나 지금까지의 기대수준에 과연 부응하는 안이 될 수 있을 것인가에 대한 의문이 제기되고 있다. 동 사안은 2005년 하반기에 시범적으로 시행하고 민선 4기 자치단체장이 출범하는 2006년 하반기에 본격적으로 시행될 것으로 발표하고 발표와 동시에 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서는 본 자치경찰제 기본방향과 법안제정의 원칙과 구체적인 내용에 대한 토론회를 개최하는 등 다양한 홍보를 하였으나 여러 가지 문제점으로 인하여 아직 시행되지 못하고 있다. 따라서 과연 이 안이 한국에서의 자치경찰제 시행에 효과적인 안인가 그렇지 않으면 대선공약을 지키기 위한 일종의 정치적 고려를 한 졸속적인 안이 아닌가에 대한 논란이 제기되고 있다. 지금까지 한국에서는 자치경찰에 대한 많은 토의가 있어 왔으나 이번에 제하고 있고 현재 지방자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 기존 법집행방식과 거의 차이가 없는 상태시된 안은 적어도 지금까지 논의되어왔던 제도와는 매우 생소한 자치경찰 제도를 근간으로 에서 ‘무늬만 자치경찰’ 이라는 비판이 일각에서 제기되고 있는 실정이다. 현재 자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 행정 경찰적 기능을 다소 보완하고 제복착용과 조직을 하나 더 만든 정도가 아닌가 하는 정도이다. 그러므로 본 연구에서는 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 제시한 자치경찰제도(안)을 중심으로 자치경찰제도 운용의 목적 충족과 실질적인 효과의 측면에서 분석하고 바람직한 자치경찰제도의 운용에 대해 살펴본다.