• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.90-103
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• 2009

The poem 'Kyungjusipiyung(慶州十二詠)' written by Seo, Geo-jeong(徐居正) describes sentiments felt for the ruined historical and cultural landscape of Silla's capital city, Kyungju. It differs from the existing 'Eight Sceneries(八景)' as it conveys the strong metaphorical aesthetics of ruins as the episodes and figures are sung, as well as the myths and stories related to the representative holy places of the Silla culture: Gyelim(鷄林), Banwolseong(半月城), Najeong(蘿井), Oneung(五陵), Geumosan(金鰲山), the scenic beauty of deep placeness, Poseokjeong(鮑石亭), Mooncheon(蚊川), Cheomseongdae(瞻星臺), Boonhwangsa(芬皇寺), Youngmyosa(靈妙寺) and Grave of the General Kim Yu-Sin(金庾信墓). Compared with the former "Eight Sceneries" Poems, including Seo Geojeong's 'Kyungjusipiyung', there is a difference in the content of theme recitation, as well as in structure and form, especially with the deep impression of the classical features of the meanings and acts. The sequence of theme recitation seems to be composed of more than two visual corridors visited during trips that last longer than two days. The dominant emotions expresses in this poem, through written in the spring, are regret and sadness such as 'worn', 'broken and ruined', 'old and sad', without touching on the beauty of nature and the taste for life that is found in most of the Eight Sceneries Poems. Thus, the feelings of the reciter himself, Seo, Geo-jeong, about the described sceneries and their symbolism are more greatly emphasized than the beauty of form. The characteristic aspect of his experiences of ruins expressed from 'Kyungjusipiyung' is that the experiences were, first of all, qualitative of the aura conveyed; that is, the quality omnipresent throughout the culture of Silla as reflected in the twelve historical and cultural landscapes. In this poem, the cultural ruins of the invisible dimension such as the myths and legends are described by repetition, parallelism, juxtaposition, reflection and admiration from the antiphrases, as well as the civilized ruins of the visible dimension such as the various sceneries and features of Kyungju. This seems to be characteristic of the methods by which Seo, Geo-jeong appreciates 'Silla' in the poem 'Kyungjusipiyung'. Ruins as an Aesthetic Object imply the noble pride of Seo, Geo-jeong in identifying himself with the great nature of ruins. In 'Kyungjusipiyung', the images of the ruins of Silla and Kyungju are interspersed in spite of his positive recognition of 'the village of Kyungju' based on his records. However, though the concept of ruins has a pessimistic tone connoting the road of extinction and downfall, the aspect here seems to ambivalently contain the desire to recover and revive Kyungju through the Chosun Dynasty as adominant influence on the earlier Chosun's literary tide. The aesthetics of the scenery found in Seo, Geo-jeong's 'Kyungjusipiyung' contain the strongest of metaphor and symbolism by converting the experiences of the paradoxical ruins into the value of reflective experiences.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.497-516
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to critically investigate the places of the 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)', written by Seo, Geojeong based on Chinese poem, old documents, and field surveys in terms of a geographical perspective. It is asserted that the controversial aspects on the 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' are corrected through the analysis of old documents and field surveys. The results are summarized in the followings. 1) Ascertain historical and geographical evidence on places of 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' are accomplished properly based on old documents and field surveys. 2) The existing misinterpretation of the 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' are corrected by the finding of one Chinese character in the 'Dongsasimseung(桐寺尋僧)', the seventh poem of 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' consisted of 10 Chinese poems. 3) Subjects and content of the 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' in Sagajib(四佳集) are more rightly written than those of the old documents such as Daegueubji(大丘邑誌), Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽). 4) A few mistakes in the subject and word of the 'Daegusibyeong (大丘十詠)' are corrected as compared with the those of the old documents. 5) It is assumed that the brand value and image of Daegu city will be improved if the 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' is restored based on the results of the study and its restoration is utilized in Daegu city tour program.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.117-145
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• 2020

This article is the result of a comprehensive research of Lu tong(盧仝)'s . First of all, this research looked into the tea culture and literary trend of 'tea-poetry[茶詩]' writing that prospered at the time as a background for to be created. Subsequently, the relationship between Lu tong and Han-meng poet's school[韓孟詩派] was discussed to establish the background of the 'Lu tong style(盧仝體)'. And the format and content of were analyzed based on the characteristics of 'Lu tong style'. Through the above discussion, this study examined why was able to gain the reputation of being " the best poetry in the world for tea ". In addition, was later being 'diangu(典故)', affecting not only China but also Korean poems. This paper also figured out that Su shi(蘇軾) in China, Li se(李穡) in Goryeo, and Xu Juzheng(徐居正) in Joseon used diangu of most frequently.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.93-105
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• 2011

'This study aims to make a choice of 'the new ten beauty spots in Daegu city' based on the analysis of survey of 390 persons selected randomly. The main results are as follows. First, there is no distinctive regional character in making a choice of 'the new ten beauty spots in Daegu city'. Second, 'Gong-Ryeong-jeok-Seol(公嶺積雪) and Buk-Byeok-Hyang-Rim(北壁香林)' among 'Daegusibyeong(大丘十詠)' written by geo-jeong Seo in the Chosun(朝鮮) dynasty are included into 'The new ten beauty spots in Daegu city'. Third, The most picturesque place is Mt. Palgong in Daegu city. Fourth, most people estimate a historical nature as the most important factor in making a choice of 'The new ten beauty spots in Daegu city', but it has not been found such tendency in the selected places as 'The new ten beauty spots in Daegu city'. Fifth, both male and female have chosen Mt. Biseul, Duryu tower, Mt. Palgong and Daegu stadium as 'The new ten beauty spots in Daegu city'. Sixth, natives of Daegu as well as non-natives of Daegu tend to highly prefer Duryu tower, Mt. Biseul and Mt. Palgong.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.13-37
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• 2022

Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2011

The study reviewed the content and the meaning of the present Yeoju Palkyung(eight scenery) through analyzing and interpreting the Palkyung poems, old maps and paintings, and classic materials transmitted in Yeoju area, and investigated the transmission process. Although five scenes of the Yeoju Palkyungs illustrate abstract landscapes derived from the Sosang Palkyung, there are mixed with local sceneries showing famous historical ruins in the area and local life of the Yeogang(驪江: river). Seunggyeong(勝景) of Yeoju, highlighted in old paintings, has been emphasized through duplication the object and the view point field of Yeoju Palgyeong(驪州八詠), which is usually symbolized to sailing boats along the Yeogang, forests around Cheongshimru, and the layer Jeontap and Maam above Shinreuksa(神勒寺) Dongdae(東臺). It is quite undoubtful that the Yeoju Palyong of Choi Sukjeong and Seo Geojung is the copy of the present Yeoju Palkyung, but the present version is found to be all included in the Cheonggijeongsipyoung(淸奇亭十詠) of Cho Moonsu since the 17th Century, which shows that the Cheonggijeongsipyoung is viewed that it played an important role for the transmission of the Yeoju Palkyung. Also, it. is concluded that the Yeoju Palyong recorded in Yeojidoseo(與地圖書) is the same landscape collecting with the presend Yeoju Palkyung, which would be dated back at least until the mid 18th Century. In addition, given the fact that the studied old maps show Eight scenery, Sachoneohwa, Shinreukmojong, Yeontanguibum, Paldaejangrim, Yangdonagan, Ibanchungam, Pasagwau, and Yongmoonjeukchui, recorded consistently in the same time order, the eight scenic points in the old maps had been apparently established as the typical copy of the Yeoju Palkyung in the 18th Century. Therefore, the transmission route of the Yeoju Palkyung follows two separate versions, one starting from the Yeoju Palyong(Choi Sukjeung, Seo Geojeong) to Cheonggijeongpalyong to Yeoju Palyoung(Yeojidoseo) to the present. Yeoju Palkyung, and the other from the Yeoju Palyoung Geumsa Palyong(金沙八詠) to the old map Palkyung to the Yeoju Palkyung(the late 18th C). These two transmission processes have their own cultural sceneries having the same origin, which are different only in perspective which attempts to cover the representative scenic landscapes including Yeoju and Geumsa.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.297-328
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• 2021

This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.28
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• pp.301-390
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• 1995

In this paper, I intended to study the policy executed by the king Sungjong(성종), the ruler of the early Chosun(조선) Dynasty, for the purpose of the training for the literary scholars under the diplomatic necessity and from his own interest in literature, and the compilation and the publication of anthologies of the famous civil officials in those days under the influence of this policy. The overall findings of the study can be summarized as follows : 1. Sungjong was comparable with the Sejong(세종) in his studiousness and especially, he was very interested in literature. He composed verses personally, showed them to his civil officials and demanded their poems in response to his own ones. Futhermore, he executed steadily the institutions of Eung-je(응제), Kaw-si(과식) and Weol-kwa(월과) that demanded creative writings from his civil officials. The purpose of these institutions which was propelled by the king Sungjong was the training for the literary scholars under the diplomatic necessity. 2. Chosun Dynasty exchanged envoys with Myeong(명) Dynasty during the time of the king Sungjong as many as 100 times. The training for the excellent literary scholars was nationally urgent problem because the competent literary scholars were needed whenever Myeong Dynasty dispatched the envoys to Chosun Dynasty. Eung-je, Kwa-si and Weol-kwa were executed from practical demand and 1 - 3 persons at the minimum, 60 - 70 persons at the maximum took part in this institution at a time. This means that 60 - 70 literary works were produced at a time. Therefore, the steady execution of Eung-je, Kwa-si and Weol-kwa inevitably resulted in mass production of literary works. 3. The king Sungjong instructed his civil officials to compile the anthologies of the then representative civil officials as a means to encourage literary compositions, read it himself and took actions to publish them at the expense of government. There were six anthologies compiled and published under this policy of the king Sungjong, Kang Heui­maeng's Sasukjejib(강희맹, 사숙제집), Shin Suk-ju's Bohanjaejib(신숙단, 보한제집), Kim Su-on's Shikujib (김수온, 식우집), Choe Hang's Taeheojeongjib(최항, 태허정집), Seo Keo-jeong's Sagajib (서거정, 사가집), Lee Seok-hyeong's Jeoheonjib(이석형, 저헌집). Yu Ho-in's Noekyejib(유호인, 뇌계집+CZ48), Lee Seung-so's Samtanjib(이승소, 삼탄집), Kim Jong-jik's Jeompiljaejib(김종직, 점필제집) of three were examined by the king Sungjong, but published later because of the death of the king. 4. jeompiljaejib was compiled by order of the king Sungjong and passed Eulram (을람 : king reads an anthology personally) which contained Joeuijemoon(조의제문) that criticized the king Sejo(세조) who had usurped a throne. The recording of Joeuijemoon became an issue in process of Muosahwa(무오사화), and it was ordered that the printing blocks should be broken and the published books should be collected and be burnt up. These procedures destroyed the social atmosphere that people considered it an honor writing literary compositions, compiling and publishing anthologies thanks to the steady efforts of the king Sungjong. 5. It had an important effect on the compilation and the publication of anthologies after that, breaking the printing blocks, collecting and burning up the pulished books of Jeompiljaejib because of recording of Joeuijemoon. Namely, it got universalized to delete compositions that can cause problems in the future as well as the parts related to political issue, from the objects of recording. Such tendency became one of the important principles of the anthological compilation after that.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.163-202
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• 2009

The poems of Shin Suk-ju can be divided into two periods around the political change by King Sejo; his poems from the former period show that the poet enjoyed abundant pride and leisurely spirit in the self-satisfying world driven by his determination to maintain a pure heart and save and awaken the people during the reign of King Sejong. His ideology of awakening the people, however, was the product of his heroic consciousness to achieve immortal fame. It was his heroic consciousness and determination to sacrifice his life for fame according to the mandate from Heaven that made him join the political change by King Sejo. His poems from the latter period clearly reveal that the way of his life to pursue fame didn't bring him spiritual satisfaction and happiness. He confessed that his conscience was destroyed as he joined King Sejo in his political change and the deeds he achieved and further his life itself were all in vain. He lost the values or orders he pursued, which caused instability in his life. Facing such instability head-on, he argued that right and wrong, true and false, and good and evil mentioned in the world were all subjective and groundless. Furthermore, he realized all the things and creatures of the world were nothing but phantoms. Those perceptions he had were based on Madhyamaka of Buddhism. Going through such a thinking process, the poet wrote about his mentality of a false reputation with ideal mentality. Heroic consciousness, Buddhist thinking, and pursuit of mentality of a false reputation found in his poems make also frequent appearances in the poems by major literary men in the latter half of the 15th century such as Seo Geo-jeong. His serious searches to overcome his conscientious agony and sense of futility about life had influences on the attitudes toward life and literature of the official literary men of the times. Seong Hyeon's statement that the major literary figures of the times inherited the literary tradition of Shin Suk-ju was not a rhetoric by courtesy.