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Investigation of Poultry Farm for Productivity and Health in Korea (한국에 있어서 양계장의 실태와 닭의 생산성에 관한 조사(위생과 질병중심으로))

  • 박근식;김순재;오세정
    • Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.54-76
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    • 1980
  • A survey was conducted to determine the status of health and productivity of poultry farms in Korea. Area included Was Kyunggido where exist nearly 50% of national poultry population. From this area, 41 layer and 34 broiler farms covering 21 Countries were selected randomly for the survey. When farms were divided in the operation size, 95.1% of layer and 82.3% of broiler farms were classified as business or industrial level while the rest were managed in a small scale as part time job. Generally layer farms had been established much earlier than broiler farms. Geographically 10.7% of layer farms were sited near the housing area such as field foreast and rice field. No farms were located near the seashore. The distance from one farm from the other was very close, being 80% of the farms within the distance of 1km and as many as 28% of the farms within loom. This concentrated poultry farming in a certain area created serious problems for the sanitation and preventive measures, especially in case of outbreak of infectious diseases. Average farm size was 5,016${\times}$3.3㎡ for layers and 1,037${\times}$3.3㎡ for broilers. 89.5% of layer ana 70.6% of broiler farms owned the land for farming while the rest were on lease. In 60% of layer farms welters were employed for farming while in the rest their own labour was used. Majority of farms were equipped poorly for taking necessary practice of hygiene and sanitation. The amount of disinfectant used by farms was considerably low. As many as 97.6% of lave. farms were practised with Newcastle(ND) and fowl pox(F$.$pox) vaccine, whereas only 43.6% and 5.1% of broiler farms were practised with ND and F$.$pox vaccine, respectively. In 17-32.7% of farms ND vaccine was used less than twice until 60 days of age and in only 14.6% of farms adult birds were vaccinated every 4months. Monthly expense for preventive measures was over 200,000W in 32% of farms. Only 4.9-2.7% of vaccine users were soaking advice from veterinarians before practising vaccination, 85% of the users trusted the efficacy of the vaccines. Selection of medicine was generally determined by the farm owner rather than by veterinarans on whom 33.3% of farms were dependant. When diseases outbroke, 49.3% of farms called for veterinary hospital and the rest were handled by their own veterinarians, salesmen or professionals. Approximately 70% of farms were satisfied with the diagnosis made by the veterinarians. Frequency of disease outbreaks varied according to the age and type of birds. The livabilities of layers during the period of brooding, rearing ana adultwere 90.5, 98.9 and 75.2%, respectively while the livalibility of broilers until marketing was 92.2%. In layers, average culling age, was 533.3 day and hen housed eggs were 232.7. Average feed conversion rates of layers and broilers were 3.30 and 2.48, respectively. Those figures were considerably higher than anticipated but still far lower than those in developed countries.

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Geology of Athabasca Oil Sands in Canada (캐나다 아사바스카 오일샌드 지질특성)

  • Kwon, Yi-Kwon
    • The Korean Journal of Petroleum Geology
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2008
  • As conventional oil and gas reservoirs become depleted, interests for oil sands has rapidly increased in the last decade. Oil sands are mixture of bitumen, water, and host sediments of sand and clay. Most oil sand is unconsolidated sand that is held together by bitumen. Bitumen has hydrocarbon in situ viscosity of >10,000 centipoises (cP) at reservoir condition and has API gravity between $8-14^{\circ}$. The largest oil sand deposits are in Alberta and Saskatchewan, Canada. The reverves are approximated at 1.7 trillion barrels of initial oil-in-place and 173 billion barrels of remaining established reserves. Alberta has a number of oil sands deposits which are grouped into three oil sand development areas - the Athabasca, Cold Lake, and Peace River, with the largest current bitumen production from Athabasca. Principal oil sands deposits consist of the McMurray Fm and Wabiskaw Mbr in Athabasca area, the Gething and Bluesky formations in Peace River area, and relatively thin multi-reservoir deposits of McMurray, Clearwater, and Grand Rapid formations in Cold Lake area. The reservoir sediments were deposited in the foreland basin (Western Canada Sedimentary Basin) formed by collision between the Pacific and North America plates and the subsequent thrusting movements in the Mesozoic. The deposits are underlain by basement rocks of Paleozoic carbonates with highly variable topography. The oil sands deposits were formed during the Early Cretaceous transgression which occurred along the Cretaceous Interior Seaway in North America. The oil-sands-hosting McMurray and Wabiskaw deposits in the Athabasca area consist of the lower fluvial and the upper estuarine-offshore sediments, reflecting the broad and overall transgression. The deposits are characterized by facies heterogeneity of channelized reservoir sands and non-reservoir muds. Main reservoir bodies of the McMurray Formation are fluvial and estuarine channel-point bar complexes which are interbedded with fine-grained deposits formed in floodplain, tidal flat, and estuarine bay. The Wabiskaw deposits (basal member of the Clearwater Formation) commonly comprise sheet-shaped offshore muds and sands, but occasionally show deep-incision into the McMurray deposits, forming channelized reservoir sand bodies of oil sands. In Canada, bitumen of oil sands deposits is produced by surface mining or in-situ thermal recovery processes. Bitumen sands recovered by surface mining are changed into synthetic crude oil through extraction and upgrading processes. On the other hand, bitumen produced by in-situ thermal recovery is transported to refinery only through bitumen blending process. The in-situ thermal recovery technology is represented by Steam-Assisted Gravity Drainage and Cyclic Steam Stimulation. These technologies are based on steam injection into bitumen sand reservoirs for increase in reservoir in-situ temperature and in bitumen mobility. In oil sands reservoirs, efficiency for steam propagation is controlled mainly by reservoir geology. Accordingly, understanding of geological factors and characteristics of oil sands reservoir deposits is prerequisite for well-designed development planning and effective bitumen production. As significant geological factors and characteristics in oil sands reservoir deposits, this study suggests (1) pay of bitumen sands and connectivity, (2) bitumen content and saturation, (3) geologic structure, (4) distribution of mud baffles and plugs, (5) thickness and lateral continuity of mud interbeds, (6) distribution of water-saturated sands, (7) distribution of gas-saturated sands, (8) direction of lateral accretion of point bar, (9) distribution of diagenetic layers and nodules, and (10) texture and fabric change within reservoir sand body.

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Preparation of Students for Future Challenge (미래의 요구에 부응하는 미래를 위한 간호교육)

  • Kim Euisook
    • The Korean Nurse
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    • v.20 no.4 s.112
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    • pp.50-59
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    • 1981
  • 간호학생들이 당연하고 있는 문제점 미래의 간호학생들이 교육문제를 논하기 위하여는 간호학생들이 가지고 있는 문제점을 파악하고 또 이해하는 것이 우선순위가 될 것이다. 간호학생들이 문제점에 대한 연구는 한국에서 뿐아니라 미국에서도 꽤 많이 시행되어져 왔으며 특히 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락되는 중퇴자들에 대한 연구들 중에 이러한 문제점에 대해서 언급한 것이 많다. 고등학교를 졸업하고 곧 대학과정에 진학한 학생들을 대상으로 조사 보고될 Munro의 자료에 의하면 전문대학과정에서 27$\%$, 대학과정에서는 41$\%$의 간호학생들이 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락하고 있음이 보고되고 있다. 이들이 중간탈락하는 데에는 여러 가지 이유가 있으나 그 중 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃어서''가 가장 큰 이유로 보고되고 있다. 이곳 한국사회에서도 역시 비슷한 현상을 보이고 있다. 그러나 대학입시경쟁과 대학내에서의 전과가 거의 허용되지 않는 특수여건이기 때문에 학교를 중간 탈락하는 율은 미국이 보고만큼 높지는 않으나 역시 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃는다''는 것이 간호학생들의 가장 큰 문제점으로 대두되고 있다. 최근 한국에서 시행된 간호학생들에 관한 연구(표 1 참조)에 의하면 간호학생들의 학문에 대한 만족도는 조사자의 35$\~$50$\%$정도에 불과하였고 더우기 이 비율은 고학년에 올라갈수록 더욱 감소되고 있는 경향을 보이고 있다. 한국에서 시행된 어느 연구보고에 의하면 간호학에 실망했다고 생각하는 학생이 전체의 67$\%$였으며, 다른 학교로 전과를 희망한 경험이 있다는 학생이 71$\%$나 되는 것으로 보고되고 있다. 그러나 왜 흥미를 잃게 되는지 그 이유에 대하여 설명해 주는 연구는 많지 않았다. 미국의 한 저자는 간호학생들이 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 원인을 간호원의 역할에 대한 이해가 정확하지 못한 것과 졸업 후 진로기회에 대한 인식부족 때문이라고 추측하고 있다. 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 이유는 크게 다음의 세 가지로 분류 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기이다. 간호학의 특수성으로 인하여 학생들이 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기도 다른 전공분야보다는 훨씬 다른 여러 종류를 보이고 있다. 즉, 종교적 이유, 다른 사람들에게 봉사할 수 있는 직업이기 때문에, 쉽게 취업을 할 수 있어서, 결혼 후에도 직업을 가질 수 있기 때문에, 외국으로 쉽게 취업할 수 있어서 등이 간호학을 선택한 이유로 보고되고 있다. 흥미나 적성에 맞다고 생각하기 때문에 간호학을 택한 학생의 수는 다른 과에 비하여 훨씬 적다. 이러한 흥미나 적성 때문이 아닌 여러 가지 다른 이유들로 인하여 간호학을 택한 경우에 특히 간호학에 쉽게 흥미를 잃어버리는 것을 볼 수 있다. 간호학에 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들일수록 추상적이고 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들보다 더 간호학에 지속적인 흥미를 가지며 중간에 탈락하는 율이 훨씬 적다는 것이 많은 연구에서 보고되었다. 또한 흥미나 적성 때문에 간호학을 택하였다는 학생들이 다른 과로 전과를 희망하는 율이 낮다는 것도 보고되었다. 둘째, 교과내용자체나 실습에 대한 불만족이다. 간호학에 대한 체계적인 교과내용의 결여, 과중한 과제물, 임상실습에서의 욕구불만, 실습으로 인한 부담, 지식과 실습의 차이점에 대한 갈등 등이 주요 이유로 보고되고 있다. 대부분의 연구들이 이 교과목이나 실습에 대한 불만족, 특히 실습경험에서의 갈등을 학생들이 흥미를 잃는 가장 중요한 요인이 되는 것으로 보고하고 있다. 어느 한 연구에서는 응답자의 90$\%$가 임상실습에 만족하지 못한다고 응답하였으며 그들 중의 88$\%$가 실습감독에 문제가 있다고 생각한다고 보고하였다. 셋째, 교수들에 대한 불만족이다. 대부분의 연구들이 학년이 올라가면 갈수록 교수에 대한 신뢰도가 낮아지며 또한 그에 비례하여 간호학에 대한 만족도가 낮아진다고 보고하고 있다. 교육내용에 대한 전문지식의 결여, 학생들과의 인간적인 관계의 결여, 교수법에 대한 불만족 등이 교수에 대한 불만의 주요내용으로 보고되었다. 미래의 간호에 부응할 학생교육 계속적인 사회적 변동과 더불어 급격하게 변화하고 있는 일반인들의 건강에 대한 요구도와 앞에서 기술한 문제점 등을 감안할 때 학생들에게 동기를 부여하고 간호학에 확신감을 가질 수 있도록 준비시키므로써 간호환경에서 실망하기보다는 오히려 그것을 받아들여 변화하는 사회요구에 책임감을 느낄 수 있도록 교육시키는 것이 미래의 간호학생을 준비시키는데 가장 중요한 요인이라고 할 수 있겠다. 이러한 교육을 위하여 다음의 두가지 안을 제시한다. 1. 교수와 학생간의 관계-서로의 좋은 동반자 : 교수들이 학생에게 미치는 영향, 특히 학생들의 성취도에 대한 영향에 대하여는 이미 많은 연구가 시행되었다. Tetreault(1976)가 간호학생들의 전문의식에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대하여 연구한 바에 의하면 다른 어느 것보다도 교수의 전문의식여부가 학생들의 전문의식 조성에 가장 큰 영향을 미친다고 하였다. 또한 학생들이 교수에게 신뢰감을 가지고 있을때, 교수들이 전문가로서의 행동을 하는 것을 보았을때 비로서 배움이 증가된다고 하였다. Banduras는 엄격하고 무서운 교수보다는 따뜻하고 인간적인 교수에게 학생들이 더 Role Model로서 모방하려는 경향을 나타낸다고 보고 하였다. 그러면 어떻게 학생에게 신뢰받는 교수가 될 수 있겠는가? apos;학생들의 요구에 부응할 때apos;라고 한마디로 표현할 수 있을 것이다. Lussier(1972)가 언급한 것처럼 학생들의 요구에 부응하지 못하는 교육은 Piaget이 언급한 교육의 기본 목표, 즉 개인에게 선배들이 한 것을 그대로 반복하여 시행하도록 하는 것이 아니라 새로운 것을 시도할 수 있는 능력을 가지게 하는 목표에는 도달할 수 없으며 이러한 목표는 간호학에도 가장 기본이 되어야 할 기본목표이기 때문이다. 학생들이 현재 어떤 요구를 가지고 있으며 또 어떤 생각을 하고 있는지 계속 파악하고 있는 것이 학생요구에 부응하는 교육을 할 수 있는 기본조건이 될 것이다. 의외로 많은 교수들이 학생들을 이해하고 있다고 생각하고 있으나 잘못 이해하고 있는 경우가 많다. 표 2는 현 간호학생들이 생각하고 있는 가치관과 문제점을 파악하고 또 교수가 그 가치관과 문제점을 어느 정도 파악하고 있는지 알아보기 위하여 일개 4년제 대학 200여명의 학생과 그 대학에 근무하는 18명의 교수진을 대상으로 질문한 결과를 간략하게 보고한 것이다. 또한 여기에서 학생이 보고하는 가치관, 문제점, 교수에게 바라는 점이 교수가 이해하고 있는 것과 차이가 있다는 것도 보여주고 있다. 우리가 학생들의 요구를 파악할 수 있도록 귀를 기울이고 이해하며, 그 요구에 부응하려고 노력할때 진정한 교수와 학생간의 관계가 이루어질 수 있을 것이며 이때 비로서 우리는 apos;partnershipapos;을 이룰 수 있을 것이다. 이때 간호학에 대한 실망은 줄어들 수 있을 것이며 우리도 학생들에게 전문가적인 태도를 함양시켜줄 수 있는 기회를 부여할 수 있을 것이다. 이렇게 될때 앞으로 기다리고 있는 미지의 의무에 효과적으로 또 적극적으로 대처할 수 있는 자질을 형성한 학생들을 준비해 낼 수 있을 것이다. 2. 간호모델에 의한 교과과정의 확립과 임상실습에의 적용 : 교과과정이 학생들의 모양을 만들어주는 하나의 기본틀이라고 말할 수 있다면 미래의 요구에 부응하는 학생들을 준비시키기 위하여 지금까지와는 다른 새로운 방향의 교과과정이 필요하다는 것은 재론할 필요가 없을 것이다. 이미 진취적인 간호대학에서는 guided design systems approach 또는 integrated curriculum 등의 새로운 교과과정을 시도하고 있음은 알려진 사실이다. 물론 간호모델에 준한 교과과정을 발전시키는데 대한 장점과 이에 수반되는 여러가지 새로운 문제점에 대하여 많은 논란이 있으나 모든 교과과정이 처음 시도될 때부터 완전한 것이 있을 수 없으며 시간이 지남에 따라 성숙되는 것임을 감안해 볼 때 이러한 새로운 교과과정에의 시도는 미래의 새로운 간호방향에 필수적인 사업이라고 하겠다. 이러한 교과과정을 개발하는데 몇가지 게안점을 첨부하려 한다. (1) 새로운 교과과정의 개발은 처음부터 끝까지 모든 교수진의 협력과 참여로 이루어져야 한다. (2) 비록 처음에는 어렵고 혼란이 있더라도 교과과정은 의학모델이 아닌 간호모델을 중심으로 이루어져야 한다. (3) 간호모델에서 다루어지는 개념들은 모두 직접 간호업무에 적용될 수 있는 것으로 선택되어야 한다. (4) 교과과정의 결과로 배출되는 학생들의 준비정도는 그 지역사회에 적합하여야 한다. (5) 그 지역사회의 고유한 문화적 요소가 포함되어야 한다. 아직 우리는 간호분야 내부의 갈등을 해결하지 못하고 있는 시기에 있다. 우리 내부의 문제점을 잘 해결할 수 있을때 외부와의 갈등에 잘 대처할 수 있을 것이다. 내부의 갈등을 잘 해결하기 위한 힘을 모으기 위하여는 동반자, 즉 교수와 학생, 간호교육자와 임상간호원 등이 서로 진정한 의미의 동반자 될때 가장 중요한 해결의 실마리가 될 것이다.

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A comparison study of hygiene status in meals for poorly-fed children through microbiological analysis (결식아동이 이용하는 도시락의 미생물 검사를 통한 위생 상태 비교.분석)

  • Yu, Ok-Kyeong;Kim, Hyun-Suk;Byun, Moon-Sun;Kim, Mina;Cha, Youn-Soo
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.47 no.3
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    • pp.214-220
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    • 2014
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to assess hygiene status of meals for poorly-fed children through microbiological quality. Methods: Meals were provided by two social enterprises, one franchise, and one convenience store. There were a total of six meal samples; two samples (social enterprise meal 1; SEM 1, social enterprise meal 2; SEM 2) from two social enterprises, respectively, two samples (franchise meal 1; FM 1, franchise meal 2; FM 2) from one franchise, and two samples (convenience store meal 1; CSM 1, convenience store meal 2; CSM 2) from one convenience store. Microbiological analysis and assessment were performed by Korean food standards codex (KFSC). Results: General bacteria and E. coli in SEM 1 were detected, but the levels were not over KFSC, and Coliform less than $9.2{\times}10$ CFU/g was also detected in seasoned bean sprouts of SEM 1. General bacteria was detected at $1.6{\times}10^6$ CFU/g in cabbage kimchi of SEM 2. Coliform was detected in cabbage kimchi, squid cutlet, stir-fried pork, and fried chicken of FM1 and 2, but the levels were not over KFSC. In addition, S. aureus was detected in cabbage kimchi and seasoned dried white radish of FM 1 and 2 ($9.8{\times}10^2$ CFU/g, $9.4{\times}10^3$ CFU/g respectively), thus was over KFSC. B. cereus was detected in stir-fried pork and fried chicken ($1.2{\times}10^3$ CFU/g, $1.5{\times}10^3$ CFU/g respectively) of FM 1 and 2, thus was over KFSC. Finally, S. aureus was detected in stir-fried dried squid, seasoned spicy chicken, and stir-fried kimchi of CSM 1 and 2, and was over KFSC too ($9.5{\times}10^4$ CFU/g, $2.4{\times}10^2$ CFU/g, $1.3{\times}10^3$ CFU/g respectively). Conclusion: Results of this study suggest that systemic management of hygiene is necessary to safely providing meals to poorly-fed children.

Jangdo(Small Ornamental Knives) manufacturing process and restoration research using Odong Inlay application (오동상감(烏銅象嵌)기법을 활용한 장도(粧刀)의 제작기술 및 복원연구)

  • Yun, Yong Hyun;Cho, Nam Chul;Jeong, Yeong Sang;Jang, Chu Nam
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.172-189
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    • 2016
  • In this research, literature research on the Odong material, mixture ratio, casting method and casting facility was conducted on contemporary documents, such as Cheongong Geamul. Also, a long sword was produced using the Odong inlay technique. The sword reproduction steps were as follows; Odong alloying, silver soldering alloying, Odong plate and Silver plate production, hilt and sheath production, metal frame and decorative elements, such as a Dugup (metal frame), production, Odong inlay assembly and final assembly. For the Odong alloy production, the mixture ratio of the true Odong, which has copper and gold ratio of 20:1, was used. This is traditional ratio for high quality product according to $17^{th}$ century metallurgy instruction manual. The silver soldering alloy was produced with silver and brass(Cu 7 : Zn 3) ratio of 5:1 for inlay purpose and 5:2 ratio for simple welding purpose. The true Odong alloy laminated with silver plate was used to produce hilt and sheath. The alloy went through annealing and forging steps to make it into 0.6 mm thick plate and its backing layer, which is a silver plate, had the matching thickness. After the two plates were adhered, the laminated plate went through annealing, forging, engraving, silver inlaying, shaping, silver welding, finishing and polishing steps. During the Odong colouring process, its red surface turns black by induced corrosion and different hues can be achieved depending on its quality. To accomplish the silver inlay Odong techniques, a Hanji saturated with thirty day old urine is wrapped around a hilt and sheath material, then it is left at warm room temperature for two to three hours. The Odong's surface will turn black when silver inlay remains unchanged. Various scientific analysis were conducted to study composition of recreated Odong panel, silver soldering, silver plate and the colouring agent on Odong's surface. The recreated Odong had average out at Cu 95.57 wt% Au 4.16wt% and Cu 98.04 wt% Au 1.95wt%, when documented ratio in the old record is Cu 95wt% and Au 5wt%. The recreated Odong was prone to surface breakage during manufacturing process unlike material made with composition ratio written in the old record. On the silver plate of the silver and Odong laminate, 100wt% Ag was detected and between the two layers Cu, Ag and Au were detected. This proves that the adhesion between the two layers was successfully achieved. The silver soldering had varied composition of Ag depending on the location. This shows uneven composition of the silver welding. A large quantities of S, that was not initially present, was detected on the surface of the black Odong. This indicates that presence of S has influence on Odong colour. Additional study on the chromaticity, additional chemical compounds and its restoration are needed for the further understanding of the origin of Odong colour. The result of Odong alloy testing and recreation, Odong silver inlay long sword production, scientific analysis of the Odong black colouring agent will form an important foundation of knowledge for conservation of Odong artifact.

A Study of the Removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from the Samneung Valley at Namsan, Gyeongju during the Japanese Colonial Era (일제강점기 경주 남산 삼릉계 약사여래좌상 반출 경위에 대한 고찰)

  • Jun, Araki
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.150-169
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    • 2020
  • Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

Musical Analysis of Jindo Dasiraegi music for the Scene of Performing Arts Contents (연희현장에서의 올바른 활용을 위한 진도다시래기 음악분석)

  • Han, Seung Seok;Nam, Cho Long
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.25
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    • pp.253-289
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    • 2012
  • Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.

Expression and Deployment of Folk Taoism(民間道敎) in the late of Chosŏn Dynasty (조선 후기 민간도교의 발현과 전개 - 조선후기 관제신앙, 선음즐교, 무상단 -)

  • Kim, Youn-Gyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.35
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    • pp.309-334
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    • 2012
  • This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

The Relationship between Daesoon Thought and Prophecies of Jeong Gam: Emphasizing the Chinese Poetic Sources Transfigured by Jeungsan (대순사상과 『정감록』의 관계 - 증산이 변용한 한시 전거(典據)를 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Sang-kyu
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.36
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    • pp.1-34
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    • 2020
  • It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.