• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.191-222
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• 2011

Traditionally, the origin of the Han River has been thought as Utongsu(于筒水) and Geumgangyeon(金剛淵). As both of these places are located in Odaesan(五臺山) the $Ma{\tilde{n}}ju{\acute{s}}ri$(文殊) Holy Place, we can well assume the possibility of Buddhist influence on them. In the Buddhist understanding on the origin of the Han River, what we should first notice are 'the recognition on the water of Buddhism' and 'the recognition on the river in Indian culture.' With the reviews, we may come to see by what standpoint these could become existed, if there were Buddhist influences on the recognition of Han River's origin. Based on these Buddhist and Indo-cultural view points, the author tries to make more dearly the definition of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon that are recognized as the origin of the Han River. Through it, we can check the relation of Buddhism and Indian culture in their influence on the concepts of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon. In Indian culture, what is noticed in relation with the origin of the river is Anavatapta, in which the sacredness of the water named the 8 virtuous waters is recorded. It is the materialistic sacredness which can be compared with the sacred feature of Utongsu that "its color and taste are far greater than other waters, and so is its weight. ${\cdots}$ Its color and taste do not change even after it flows into the Han River." Furthermore, both of Anavatapta and Utongsu have the same symbolism of dragon that the highest dragon king and a divine dragon were told to live in respective lakes. This similar structure found in the recognition of two rivers' origin may become an evidence of Buddhist influence on the recognition of the Han River's origin. The recognition of the Han River's origin is based on the traditional culture. Therefore, it may be natural that there is the Buddhist culture in it. At the same time, some viewpoints of Chinese culture can be found in it. So, the traditional recognition on the Han River's origin comprises diversity and complexity of Indian and Chinese cultures together.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.469-480
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• 2006

Patterns in clothing symbolize some specific meaning that differs across cultures and religions, although patterns have been mostly used to realize human desires to overcome natural hazards in every culture or religion. This research aims to compare animal patterns of Korea (Confucian/Buddhism culture) with those of Byzantine (Christian culture), based upon a research method of literature survey. It is found through the research that both cultures used common patterns, such as dragon, butterfly, bat, honeybee, peacock, fish, and chicken. In the case of dragon patterns, Korea used it to symbolize emperor, dignity, or authority, while Byzantine used it for devil. Bat patterns had different symbolic meanings in both cultures: they mean happiness, longevity, prosperity or many off-springs in Korea while they mean misfortune or unhappiness in Byzantine. On the other hand, the rest of animal patterns, including butterfly, honeybee, peacock, chicken, had quite a similar symbolic meaning. Butterfly means change of life or beginning of new life in Korea, whereas it means resurrection in Byzantine. Honeybee symbolizes diligence, order, and cooperation. Many animal patterns were used in both cultures at the same time. Another difference can be found in terms of the kind of animals; for example, Korea used wild goose, pheasant, giraffe, deer, mandarin duck & turtle, while Byzantine used eagle, snake, pigeon. Of course, each and every animal has its own meaning, mostly positive. Except dragons and bats, both cultures have a similar meaning in most of animal patterns. Generally speaking, Korea used imaginary animals to pray for human happiness, but Byzantine used real animals to pray for resurrections.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.27-37
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• 2010

This study tries to illuminate the features and values of the Buddhist temple Palkyung by closely examining the forms, structures, and meanings of Tongdo-palkyung(通度八景) handed down at Tongdosa Temple, the best among Korea's Buddhist temples with its three treasures of Buddha, law of Buddha and Buddhist monks. The findings of this study can be summarized as the following. First of all, it reveals the meaning of the geographical name Yeongchuksan(靈鷲山), located to the west of Tongdosa, and a spectacular sight spread like an eagle's spread wings, as well as its location and spatial features. In particular, the arrangement features of a number of attached hermitages clearly show Yeongchuksan's world as being a temple with buddhist treasures. The multi-layered unfolding and centripetal intention of the scenery can be perceived through the shape of the Sshangryongnongju(雙龍弄珠形), around Tongdosa and the feature of the enclosed landscape encircling the steps of Hyeolcheo(穴處) Geumganggyedan. The substances and components of Tongdopalkyung include sound-based spectacles derived from Beoneumgu(梵音具) creating sounds related to religious rituals to enlighten and redeem mankind, such as Yeongji(影池: a holy pond with shadow reflections), drum sounds, and bell sounds along with physical features like pine trees, Dae(臺), waterfalls, Dongcheon (洞天), and a glow in the sky. On the other hand, Palkyung's geographical arrangements exhibit a circular spatial formation based on the main motif as Buddhist symbolism, beginning with the 'Gukjangsangseokpyo(國長生石標)' awakening the territoriality of Tongdosa and locating the first scene 'Mupunghansong(舞風寒松)' in its introductory area, with the features of water, bridge, pine grove, and Iljumun(gate) to stand for the influx. Six other scenes including 'Anyangdongdae(安養東臺)' are placed in the sacred precincts around Daeungjeon and Geumganggyedan while the glow of sunset at 'Danjoseong' just outside the domain closes the symbolic circular formation of the Tongdopalkyung, which coincides with the development of the Mandala figure symbolizing 'Gusanpalhae(九山八海)' centered in Sumisan(須彌山). What is more, Tongdopalkyung, while excluding primary scenic elements inside the temple, maximizes the domain of the mountain's entrance and the effects of the multi-layered mountain, mountain upon mountain, by intensifying the influx and centripetal qualities. The Tongdopalkyung analysis reveals the antithesis of four-coupled scenes conveying buddhist principles and thoughts on the basis of seasons, directions, space and time to display a narrative structural landscape when viewed from the temple's territoriality. Likewise, the characteristics and porch structures of Tongdopalkyung are tools and language of symbols to both externally strengthen the temple's territoriality and to internally, maximize the desires to the Land of Happiness as well as intensify religious wishes and the Mandala's multi-layered qualities through the meanings of time and space.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.9
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• pp.240-247
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• 2018

In this paper, we implement a digital content that visualizes 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva according to the wishes of the public. The 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva is described in the Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva tale that is found in the ancient literature "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms" as Tangible Cultural Heritage. Also, it is easily found in a wall painting of traditional Buddhist temples. The 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva is the saint of mercy that transforms into 33 various forms according to the wishes of the public. The Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva tales deal with differences in the types of wishes of the public, and the tales have been speeded like wildfire among the people. So, in this paper, we classify them into 4 groups by the wishes (healing, security, academic achievement, disaster relief) of the public, and then analyze its symbolism and activity of the 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva. Also, we implement a 2D digital content that represents visually it according to the wishes of the public. Applications of the implemented visual content are as follows; development of character, game, and digital storytelling associated with traditional culture, education service for Buddhist doctrines, etc.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.36-44
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• 2020

This study analyzed the Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇)is the One of the traditional planting techniques and the value of natural monument plant and derived the value of the ginkgo tree in Sejong-ri as a natural monument. The results are as follows; First, ginkgo trees have high environmental adaptability, practicality and visual value. There were also many ginkgo trees that were deeply related to Confucian and Buddhist ideas. Ginkgo trees accounted for the largest portion of the number of old tree designated as natural monuments in recognition of their value. Second, after analyzing the historical and cultural values of ginkgo trees, ginkgo trees became the place of gardens and buildings by symbolizing Confucius(孔子)' Confucian ideas. In Buddhism, it was related to the creation of temples or the achievements of ancient monks. The people had a symbol of the prosperity of their offspring and the succession of the family. Third, in 1024 gongdobo, the grandson of Confucius, rebuilt the shrine, installed the platform in the central position and planted ginkgo trees. It originated from what he called "the "haengdan(杏壇)." The tree was then recorded as "heungheang(紅杏)" which was written by Wang Jae-jin's poetry during the Ming Dynasty. Thus it was misused as apricot tree. The cause of this is due to the same kanji reading. or it can be seen as influence on the taoism. But Korea has been sticking to the use of the first ginkgo trees. Forth, biologically, the Sejong-ri ginkgo tree is characterized by the composition of a pair of male trees. The landscape is contrasted with the twisted male tree and vertical female trees. In addition, in terms of authenticity and integrity, the relationship between Admiral Im, Nan-Su(林蘭秀) of the Goryeo Dynasty and the ginkgo tree is found in various literature.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.160-171
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• 2018

This study aims to find an original form of temple flower decoration patterns, considering floral lattice pattern as a view element composing temple landscape. To that end, we analyzed and interpreted the form and symbol expressed in the floral lattice pattern at Nahanjeon of Seonghyel Temple at Yeongju, Gyeongsangbukdo. The front side of Nahanjeon windows shows a sculpture with 176 pure patterns in a form where two squares are in sequence. The basic concept of main front door (the inner gate of Nahanjeon) frames is considered the design language of lotus pond that symbolizes "square land" in traditional gardens. The four leaf clover and arrowhead are water plants discovered in areas nearby ponds, which are a realistic expression conforming to the water ecology of lotus pond. The lotus, which is the most important plant at the main front door, indicates purity, a non-stained state, and the world of the lotus sanctuary, which is the land of blissful happiness in Buddhism. The lotus expressed in the floral lattice pattern is spread in a diverse form, containing the features of creation and destruction, showing the landscape character of the "One Body of Buddha and Lotus". The expression of flying birds such as kingfishers and egrets is an ecologically aesthetic idea to infuse dynamism and vitality into a seemingly static aquatic ecosystem. The floral lattice pattern contains lotus pond scenery showing symbiosis of animals(i.e., dragons, frogs, crabs, fishes, egrets, wild geese, and kingfishers) and plants(i.e., four leaf clovers and arrowheads), which are symbols of relief faith for longevity, wealth, preciousness, and many sons. The pattern is not just an ecological aesthetic expression but a holistic harmony of ecological components such as growth and disappearance of lotus and its leaves, fitting habitats, symbiosis, and food chain.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.18-27
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• 2016

A 'flowered-wall,' which are also called a 'flower plant patterned wall,' or a 'flower patterned wall,' is a wall of a building or a fence with various patterns on it. A flowered-wall can be an external mean to look into the owner's authority and values while internally it possesses the symbolic meaning of wishing the well-being and peace of the household. In the research area of the flowered-wall, the walls located in the palace were well researched in various studies across architecture, horticulture, and art design, however, the walls belonging to the local regional traditional folk houses and temples have been involved in little to no research in the landscape architectural area. Taking notice of this perspective this study researched and analyzed the cases of the flowered-walls of the traditional folk houses and the temples that belonged to the national and municipal cultural properties of Jeollabuk-do Province from the landscape architectural perspective. The whole samples were examined and it was shown that there were 9 traditional folk houses with flowered-walls. Among the temples there were 7 cases. Therefore the research focusing on tracing the shape and symbolic meaning of the flowered-walls in the 16 cultural properties located in the Jeollabuk-do Province which consisted of traditional folk houses and temples resulted in the following. Flowered-walls displayed hierarchical differentiation revolving around the main space and its spacial characteristic. This differentiation is variously displayed across the flowered-wall, gable, crack plastering, and chimney. In the case of the folk houses the symbols have the meaning of the prosperity of the household and progeny, exorcism, longevity, number of fortune, harmony, and peace etc that prays for practical wishes such as long life and good health with the prosperity of their descendants. Meanwhile in the temples, symbols indicating an easy passage into eternity, perpetuation of the Buddha-nature, and three marks of existence are applied, differentiating from the folk houses by the appliance of the religious values in the patterns. In conclusion this research resulted in the rightful illumination on the local landscape culture, the possibility of expressing the Korean sentiment through flowered-walls in the contemporary space, the reassessment of flowered-walls, and the provision of basic data for a plan to success the cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.935-946
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• 2008

Religion is the symbolic form and action, linking the ultimate condition of life with human beings. Religious idea grasps the world through symbols and gives birth to the action through symbols. This research put its purpose in elucidating the effect of religion on the costume and its mechanism. It's focus is centered on Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam which are among the world high religions. Part of this research also examines the mechanism in which several composing factors are expressed with rituals and manifested with costumes, this process was diagrammatized and suggested. The composing factors of religion such as belief system, experiences, community, and rituals are closely related. Ritual especially, is the symbolic action, practice, and the way of rescue, expressing religious meaning. Religious rituals such as imitative rituals, positive or negative rituals, sacrificial ritual, and rites of passage have been expressed with religious music or figurative art such as costume, construction, and art as well as religious ritual like ancestral rites. Religion has had a great effect on the overall culture including costume as a belief system by lightening the meaning of life and suggesting the solutions to the human problems such as anxiety or conflict.