• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.12
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• pp.1560-1570
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences according to lifestyle in anthropometric measurement, dietary attitude, health-related behaviors and nutrient intake among the college students. The subjects were 994 nation-wide college students (male: 385, female: 609) and divided into 7 clusters (PEAO: passive economy/appearance-oriented type, NCPR: non-consumption/pursuit of relationship type, PTA: pursuit of traditional actuality type, PAT: pursuit of active health type, UO: utility-oriented type, POF: pursuit of open fashion type, PFR: pursuit of family relations type). A cross-sectional survey was conducted using a self administered questionnaire, and the data were collected via Internet or by mail. The nutrient intake data collected from food record were analyzed by the Computer Aided Nutritional Analysis Program. Data were analyzed by a SPSS 12.0 program. Average age of male and female college students were 23.7 years and 21.6 years, respectively. Most of the college students had poor eating habits. In particular, about 60% of the PEAO group has irregularity in meal time. The students in PAH and POF groups showed significantly higher consumption frequency of fruits, meat products and foods cooked with oil compared to the other groups. As for exercise, drinking and smoking, there were significant differences between PAH and the other groups. Asked for the reason for body weight control, 16.2% of NCPR group answered "for health", but 24.8% of PEAO group and 26.3% of POF group answered "for appearance". Calorie, vitamin A, vitamin $B_2$, calcium and iron intakes of all the groups were lower than the Korean DRIs. Female students in PTA group showed significantly lower vitamin $B_1$ and niacin intakes compared to the PFR group. Therefore, these results provide nation-wide information on health-related behaviors and nutrient intake according to lifestyles among Korean college students.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.30 no.1_2
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• pp.191-199
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• 2018

Purpose : In this study, we evaluated the usefulness of colloid gel(slime) as a compensator for irregular patient surfaces in radiation therapy. Materials and Methods : For this study, colloid gel suitable for treatment was made and four experiments were conducted to evaluate the applicability of radiation therapy. Trilogy(Varian) and CT(SOMATOM, Siemens) were used as treatment equipment and CT equipment. First, the homogeneity according to the composition of colloid gel was measured using EBT3 Film(RIT). Second, the Hounsfield Unit(HU) value of colloid gel was measured and confirmed by CRIS phantom, Eclipse RTP(Eclipse 13.1, Varian) and CT. Third, to measure the deformation and degeneration of colloid gel during the treatment period, it was measured 3 times daily for 2 weeks using an ion chamber(PTW-30013, PTW). The fourth experiment was compared the treatment plan and measured dose distributions using bolus, rice, colloid gel and additional, dose profiles in an environment similar to actual treatment using our own acrylic phantom. Result : First experiment, density of the colloid gel cases 1, 2 and 3 was $1.02g/cm^3$, $0.99g/cm^3$ and $0.96g/cm^3$. When the homogeneity was measured at 6 MV and 9 MeV, case 1 was more homogeneous than the other cases, as 1.55 and 1.98. In the second experiment, the HU values of case 1, 2, 3 were 15 and when the treatment plan was compared with the measured doses, the difference was within 1 % at all 9, 12 MeV and a difference of -1.53 % and -1.56 % within the whole 2 % at 6 MV. In the third experiment, the dose change of colloid gel was measured to be about 1 % for 2 weeks. In the fourth experiment, the dose difference between the treatment plan and EBT3 film was similar for both colloid gel and bolus, rice at 6 MV. But colloid gel showed less dose difference than bolus and rice at 9 MeV. Also, dose profile of colloid gel showed a more uniform dose distribution than the bolus and rice. Conclusion : In this study, the density of colloid gel prepared for radiation therapy was $1.02g/cm^3$ similar to the density of water, and alteration or deformation was not observed during the radiotherapy process. Although we pay attention to the density when manufacturing colloid gel, it is sufficient in that it can deliver the dose uniformly through the compensation of the patient's body surface more than the bolus and rice, and can be manufactured at low cost. Further studies and studies for clinical applications are expected to be applicable to radiation therapy.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.1195-1206
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• 2011

This study was conducted to apply LCA (Life cycle assessment) methodology to lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.) production systems in Namyang-ju as a case study. Five lettuce growing farms with three different farming systems (two farms with organic farming system, one farm with a system without agricultural chemicals and two farms with conventional farming system) were selected at Namyangju city of Gyeonggi-province in Korea. The input data for LCA were collected by interviewing with the farmers. The system boundary was set at a cropping season without heating and cooling system for reducing uncertainties in data collection and calculation. Sensitivity analysis was carried out to find out the effect of type and amount of fertilizer and energy use on GHG (Greenhouse Gas) emission. The results of establishing GTG (Gate-to-Gate) inventory revealed that the quantity of fertilizer and energy input had the largest value in producing 1 kg lettuce, the amount of pesticide input the smallest. The amount of electricity input was the largest in all farms except farm 1 which purchased seedlings from outside. The quantity of direct field emission of $CO_2$, $CH_4$ and $N_2O$ from farm 1 to farm 5 were 6.79E-03 (farm 1), 8.10E-03 (farm 2), 1.82E-02 (farm 3), 7.51E-02 (farm 4) and 1.61E-02 (farm 5) kg $kg^{-1}$ lettuce, respectively. According to the result of LCI analysis focused on GHG, it was observed that $CO_2$ emission was 2.92E-01 (farm 1), 3.76E-01 (farm 2), 4.11E-01 (farm 3), 9.40E-01 (farm 4) and $5.37E-01kg\;CO_2\;kg^{-1}\;lettuce$ (farm 5), respectively. Carbon dioxide contribute to the most GHG emission. Carbon dioxide was mainly emitted in the process of energy production, which occupied 67~91% of $CO_2$ emission from every production process from 5 farms. Due to higher proportion of $CO_2$ emission from production of compound fertilizer in conventional crop system, conventional crop system had lower proportion of $CO_2$ emission from energy production than organic crop system did. With increasing inorganic fertilizer input, the process of lettuce cultivation covered higher proportion in $N_2O$ emission. Therefore, farms 1 and 2 covered 87% of total $N_2O$ emission; and farm 3 covered 64%. The carbon footprints from farm 1 to farm 5 were 3.40E-01 (farm 1), 4.31E-01 (farm 2), 5.32E-01 (farm 3), 1.08E+00 (farm 4) and 6.14E-01 (farm 5) kg $CO_2$-eq. $kg^{-1}$ lettuce, respectively. Results of sensitivity analysis revealed the soybean meal was the most sensitive among 4 types of fertilizer. The value of compound fertilizer was the least sensitive among every fertilizer imput. Electricity showed the largest sensitivity on $CO_2$ emission. However, the value of $N_2O$ variation was almost zero.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.46-52
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• 2009

Deposition of atmospheric N that is depleted in $^{15}N$ has shown to decrease N isotope ratio ($^{15}N/^{14}N$,expressed as ${\delta}^{15}N$) of forest samples such as tree rings, foliage, and total soil-N. However, its effect on ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral soil-N which is biologically active N pool has never been tested. In this study, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N($NH{_4}^+$ and $NO_3{^-}$) in forest soils from organic and two depths of mineral soil layers (0 to 20 cm and 20 to 40cm depth) of Pinus densiflora stands located at two distinct areas (rural and industrial areas) in southern Korea was analyzed to investigate if there is any difference in ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N between these areas. We also evaluated potential N loss of the study sites using ${\delta}^{15}N$ of mineral N. Across the soil layers, the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ ranged from +8.9 to +24.8‰ in the rural area and from +4.4 to +13.8‰ in the industrial area. Soils from organic layer (+4.4‰) and mineral layer between 0 and 20 cm (+13.8‰) of industrial area showed significantly lower ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NH{_4}^+$ than those of rural area (+8.9 and +24.3‰, respectively), probably indicating the greater contribution of $^{15}N$-depleted $NH{_4}^+$ from atmospheric deposition to forest in the industrial area than in the rural area. Meanwhile, ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ was not different between the rural and industrial areas, probably because ${\delta}^{15}N$ of $NO_3{^-}$ is more likely to be altered by the N loss that causes $^{15}N$ enrichment of the remaining soil N pool. Compared with the ${\delta}^{15}N$ of soil mineral N reported by other studies (from -10.9 to +15.6‰ for $NH{_4}^+$ and -14.8 to +5.6‰ for $NO_3{^-}$), the ${\delta}^{15}N$ observed in our study was substantially high, suggesting that the study sites are more subject to the N loss. It was concluded that $NH{_4}^+$ rather than $NO_3{^-}$ can conserve the ${\delta}^{15}N$ signature of atmospheric N deposition in forest ecosystems.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.103-149
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• 2010

Documentation strategy has been experimented in various subject areas and local regions since late 1980's when it was proposed as archival appraisal and selection methods by archival communities in the United States. Though it was criticized to be too ideal, it needs to shed new light on the potentialities of the strategy for documenting local regions in digital environment. The purpose of this study is to analyse the implementation issues of documentation strategy and to suggest the directions for documenting local regions of Korea through the application of the strategy. The documentation strategy which was developed more than twenty years ago in mostly western countries gives us some implications for documenting local regions even in current digital environments. They are as follows; Firstly, documentation strategy can enhance the value of archivists as well as archives in local regions because archivist should be active shaper of history rather than passive receiver of archives according to the strategy. It can also be a solution for overcoming poor conditions of local archives management in Korea. Secondly, the strategy can encourage cooperation between collecting institutions including museums, libraries, archives, cultural centers, history institutions, etc. in each local region. In the networked environment the cooperation can be achieved more effectively than in traditional environment where the heavy workload of cooperative institutions is needed. Thirdly, the strategy can facilitate solidarity of various groups in local region. According to the analysis of the strategy projects, it is essential to collect their knowledge, passion, and enthusiasm of related groups to effectively implement the strategy. It can also provide a methodology for minor groups of society to document their memories. This study suggests the directions of documenting local regions in consideration of current archival infrastructure of Korean as follows; Firstly, very selective and intensive documentation should be pursued rather than comprehensive one for documenting local regions. Though it is a very political problem to decide what subject has priority for documentation, interests of local community members as well as professional groups should be considered in the decision-making process seriously. Secondly, it is effective to plan integrated representation of local history in the distributed custody of local archives. It would be desirable to implement archival gateway for integrated search and representation of local archives regardless of the location of archives. Thirdly, it is necessary to try digital documentation using Web 2.0 technologies. Documentation strategy as the methodology of selecting and acquiring archives can not avoid subjectivity and prejudices of appraiser completely. To mitigate the problems, open documentation system should be prepared for reflecting different interests of different groups. Fourth, it is desirable to apply a conspectus model used in cooperative collection management of libraries to document local regions digitally. Conspectus can show existing documentation strength and future documentation intensity for each participating institution. Using this, documentation level of each subject area can be set up cooperatively and effectively in the local regions.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.170-203
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• 2018

From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.30 no.1_2
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• pp.49-63
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• 2018

Purpose : The purpose of this study is investigating the changes of treatment plan and comparing skin dose with or without the skin flash. To investigate optimal applications of the skin flash, the changes of skin dose of each plans by various thicknesses of skin flash were measured and analyzed also. Methods and Material : Anthropomorphic phantom was scanned by CT for this study. The 2 fields hybrid IMRT and the 6 fields static IMRT were generated from the Eclipse (ver. 13.7.16, Varian, USA) RTP system. Additional plans were generated from each IMRT plans by changing skin flash thickness to 0.5 cm, 1.0 cm, 1.5 cm, 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm. MU and maximum doses were measured also. The treatment equipment was 6MV of VitalBeam (Varian Medical System, USA). Measuring device was a metal oxide semiconductor field-effect transistor(MOSFET). Measuring points of skin doses are upper (1), middle (2) and lower (3) positions from center of the left breast of the phantom. Other points of skin doses, artificially moved to medial and lateral sides by 0.5 cm, were also measured. Results : The reference value of 2F-hIMRT was 206.7 cGy at 1, 186.7 cGy at 2, and 222 cGy at 3, and reference values of 6F-sIMRT were measured at 192 cGy at 1, 213 cGy at 2, and 215 cGy at 3. In comparison with these reference values, the first measurement point in 2F-hIMRT was 261.3 cGy with a skin flash 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm, and the highest dose difference was 26.1 %diff. and 5.6 %diff, respectively. The third measurement point was 245.3 cGy and 10.5 %diff at the skin flash 2.5 cm. In the 6F-sIMRT, the highest dose difference was observed at 216.3 cGy and 12.7 %diff. when applying the skin flash 2.0 cm for the first measurement point and the dose difference was the largest at the application point of 2.0 cm, not the skin flash 2.5 cm for each measurement point. In cases of medial 0.5 cm shift points of 2F-hIMRT and 6F-sIMRT without skin flash, the measured value was -75.2 %diff. and -70.1 %diff. at 2F, At -14.8, -12.5, and -21.0 %diff. at the 1st, 2nd and 3rd measurement points, respectively. Generally, both treatment plans showed an increase in total MU, maximum dose and %diff as skin flash thickness increased, except for some results. The difference of skin dose using 0.5 cm thickness of skin flash was lowest lesser than 20 % in every conditions. Conclusion : Minimizing the thickness of skin flash by 0.5 cm is considered most ideal because it makes it possible to keep down MUs and lowering maximum doses. In addition, It was found that MUs, maximum doses and differences of skin doses did not increase infinitely as skin flash thickness increase by. If the error margin caused by PTV or other factors is lesser than 1.0 cm, It is considered that there will be many advantages in with the skin flash technique comparing without it.