• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.97-122
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• 2011

After global economic crisis, most countries increased the welfare expenditure as a part of stimulus package. As a However welfare expenditure was decreased radically as the crisis was transmitted into the financial crisis. Which turning point is the welfare state going through now? Although the need for the welfare and the role of the state to take responsibility of public welfare has increased because of poverty and polarization, responses of the state against the crisis had focused on the aid to the financial industry and cutting taxes and showed limitations in coordination. Financial limitation of welfare expenditure, political individualism, the change of class politics and the mixture of the welfare institutions and financial institutions make have a pessimistic prospect of the retrenchment to the minimalist welfare state. As neoliberal state is continued cash benefits mainly for the middle class is being decreased. As a result, the direction the welfare states pursue is prospected to win over the poor by strengthening selectivity in welfare provision rather than class coordination.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• 월간낙농육우
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• v.26 no.8 s.292
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• pp.190-195
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• 2006

1,2차 협상을 평가하기에 앞서 지적할 것은 정부가 가공 자료를 철저히 비공개로 하고 있다는 점이다. 심지어 모든 협상이 영어로 진행되고 합의문이 영어로만 되어 있다. (한글로 된 합의문은 아예 없다) 이런 조건에서 이 글은 각종 신문 자료를 토대로 작성할 수밖에 없었다. 한미 FTA는 한국의 모든 분야, 모든 사람들에게 이전의 어떤 협상과도 비교할 수 없을 큰 영향을 미칠 것이다. 따라서 협상 내용이 국가기밀에 해당하는 중요한 것이 아닌한 최대한 공개되어야 한다. 또한 한미 FTA로 영향을 받게 될 모든 국민들은 협상 내용의 공개를 강력히 요구해야 한다. 협상 내용을 모르면 협상에 개입할 수 없고 자신을 방어할 수 없다. 본고는 그 중요성을 특별히 강조하고자 한다.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.27-43
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 미얀마, 베트남, 일본에서 외부문명의 영향을 받은 것으로 여겨지는 정령숭배의 특징에 대하여 논하고자 한다. 우선, 각 국가의 전승을 비교해볼 때 정령숭배에 있어서 충격적인 상황 속에서 사망한 이들에 대한 신앙이 중요하다는 점을 지적하였다. 다음으로 정령의 형성에 있어서 정치적 역할이 개입되었다는 사실을 논하였다. 마지막으로 종교 혼합주의는 성(性, gender)과 관련되어 있음을 주장하였다.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.28 no.5
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• pp.1259-1277
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• 2018

This study analyzes cyber security strategies, laws, organizations, and the roles of the ministries in the US, Germany, UK, Japan, China, and Korea and draws implications for establishing a practical and efficient next generation national cyber security governance. Under this goal, this study analyzes cyber security strategies, laws, organizations, and the roles of the ministries in the US, Germany, UK, Japan, China, and Korea and draws implications for establishing a practical and efficient next generation national cyber security governance. Based on the results of this analysis, this study suggests suggestions and directions for improvement of domestic cyber security governance.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.119-125
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• 2019

Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.425-443
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• 2014

The subjects of this research are two-folds. First, it investigates the ways in which previous geographic studies have approached to human death and its spatial representations through various theoretical frames. It is found that necrogeographies on cemetery have changed into those studies focusing on the social and spatial contexts in which deathscapes are represented. Second, this research analyzes what institutional discourses have intervened in excluding or including modern deathscapes in Korea. Some discourses socio-spatially excluded specific (undesirable) deathscape, and they mostly depended on employing such terms as 'Yeoido' and 'illegal, luxury, or deserted cemeteries'. On the contrary, other discourses employed such terms as 'developed country', 'Unified-Silla Dynasty', and 'NIMBY', and they introduced new (desirable) types of deathscapes such as cremation. This paper conclusively argues that these discourses engendered 'truth effect' so as to introduce and promote specific deathscapes while repressing pre-modern (or conventional) deasthscapes and concealing discursive contradictions.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.127-137
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to suggest the justification for social recognition of childcare staff through a review of Axel Honneth's recognition theory of childcare staff's caring work, the Constitution, the Infant Care Act, and the National Human Rights Commission Act. As a result of the study, first, the poor working environment of childcare staff was confirmed. Despite the continuous intervention of childcare policies to improve the working environment of childcare teachers, poor working conditions such as annual/monthly vacation and rest time guarantee were confirmed. Second, the human rights violations of childcare staff were confirmed. The installation of CCTV installed to prevent child abuse in childcare institutions confirmed not only the human rights violations of childcare staff but also the psychological pressure of childcare staff who are monitored 24 hours a day. Third, this study has significance in that it suggests the justification for social recognition of childcare staff through revision and supplementation of the current law for appropriate performance evaluation of childcare.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.11
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• pp.227-232
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• 2021

The 「Act on Special Cases concerning the Punishment of Crimes of Domestic Violence」 still has various problems in the legal system and enforcement process. Contrary to the original intention of the legislation, it is operated very passively in terms of state intervention and punishment of domestic violence actors in actual operation. Even if it is treated as a home protection case, if you look at the details of the protection disposition, there is a problem that the decision on the protection disposition is biased towards a specific type of protection disposition. In order to improve this, the need for cooperation and active intervention between state agencies is required. In addition, it is necessary to establish a legal basis for a request for personal protection by recognizing the status of a victim who reported domestic violence as a crime reporter. In addition, in order to secure the effectiveness of the protective disposition, it is necessary to strengthen sanctions for non-compliance or violations of the protective disposition.