• 대학교육
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• s.78
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• pp.92-97
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• 1995

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the implications of the change in the way China conducts public diplomacy, through an in-depth study of international education programs promoted under China's public diplomacy strategy. The leadership of Xi Jinping is now trying for China to become the top power in the world, not just a G2 country, based on China's economic growth over the past 40 years. Also, as a vision for the goal, the leadership is presenting the dream of the great revival of the Chinese nation. Currently, the international education program promoted at the level of public diplomacy in China is operated in an active, mid- to long-term manner within the national strategy, away from the past passive and responsive method. In other words, while China's past international education program was a passive model for dispelling the "Chinese Threat Theory," China's current international education program is evolving into an active model that can promote the "Chinese" order in the world.

• 대학교육
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• s.46
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• pp.104-109
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• 1990

• Public Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.43-63
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• 2023

Objectives: Nuclear security and atomic energy industry have always been the domain of political and economical diplomatic affairs. The issue of nuclear proliferation must be resolved politically or militarily given the importance of the problem, the impact it has on global security, the influence of major powers, and non-proliferation regimes. Considering scope of the budget, manpower, and scale of the project, the atomic energy issue was also viewed from an economic perspective. Therefore, the goal of this study is to depart from the conventional viewpoint and investigate if public diplomacy may be extended to a new issue domain of nuclear security and atomic energy. Methods: In order to determine whether there are any areas that overlap, the uniqueness of Korea's position in the nuclear security and atomic power domains is evaluated and compared with the traits of public diplomacy. Results: It seems plausible to broaden the scope and function of public diplomacy in that field given Korea's uniqueness in nuclear security and atomic energy issue and overlap with public diplomacy. This is especially true given that the state must take the leading role and that ongoing policy demands are made in light of Korea's security and economic structure. In reality, it is assessed that the Summer Fellows Program, run by the KAIST Nuclear Nonproliferation Education and Research Center (KAIST NEREC), has had a considerable impact on public diplomacy in the area of nuclear security and atomic energy. Conclusions: Nuclear security and atomic energy issues have traditionally been handled from the perspectives of political diplomacy, summit diplomacy, and economic diplomacy. However, this paper evaluate that the possibility of enhancing the role of public diplomacy in this issue area is high and underscore that the budget support, programs, and manpower for similar public diplomacy activities are needed. Through this, South Korea's nuclear security policy and atomic energy industry could be supported from international community and it will advance national interest.

• Review of KIISC
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.3-16
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• 1999

본 고에서는 국방부의 현대적 전쟁환경에 맞는 새로운 정보시스템을 구축하여 폭넓 은 정보교환과 효율적인 정보관리 능력을 증강하기 위하여 행정, 교육, 금융, 공안, 외교 및 물류 등의 독립적인 전용 전산망을 통합된 하나의 전산망으로 구축할 경우 다중등급보안을 처리하기 위해 미국 NSA가 주도하여 수행하고 있는 MISSI와 이에 이용되는 Fortezza 그리 고 현재 미국에서 구축중에 있는 DII의 구성에 대해 분석하였다. 본 고는 향후 정보전을 대 비한 효율적인 국방망 구축을 위한 기초자료이다.

• Review of KIISC
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.35-54
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• 1997

본 고에서는 행정, 교육, 과학기술, 금융, 국방, 공안, 외교 및 물류 등의 전산망을 위한 통합적인 보안 해결책 및 초고속정보통신망을 위한 보안 해결책을 제시하기 위한 일환으로 미국 NSA가 주도하여 수행하고 있는 MISSI에 대하여 소개를 한다. MISSI는 다중등급 보안을 근간으로 하고 있으며 무결성, 사용자 신분확인, 부인봉쇄, 비밀성 및 가용성 등의 보안 서비스를 제공하고 있다. 이들 보안 서비스를 위하여 Firewall, Fortezza, Guard 및 안전한 컴퓨터와 같은 상용의 보안 제품을 사용할 수 있도록 하고 있다. 본 고는 국가 전산망 및 초고속정보통신망의 효과적인 보안 해결책으로써의 지침을 제공해 주리라 생각된다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.37-46
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• 2022

During the study, big data analysis was conducted focusing on domestic media reports related to Mongolia. The Latent Dirichlet Allocation(LDA) topic modeling was conducted using 130,000 articles with the keyword 'Mongolia' as the target of analysis. As a result of deriving and examining major topics for each period, there were disappearing subjects as the diplomacy level was raised, but most appeared in the beginning were remained and additional issues in various fields were shown.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.251-267
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• 2016

한국과 인도 간 관계(이후 한국-인도 관계)는 오랜 역사를 통해 정치, 사회, 경제 및 전략적 측면에서 지속적으로 발전되었다. 특히 인도의 "동방정책(Look East Policy)" 채택과 한국의 "중견국 외교(Middle-power diplomacy)" 선언 간 동질성을 모색하는 차원에서 최근에 더욱 긴밀히 발전되고 있다. 즉 최근에 이르러 갑자기 발전된 관계가 아니라는 논지이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 한국과 인도 간 관계를 역사적 시각, 탈냉전 이후 시각, 경제적 시각 및 교육 및 문화적 그리고 지정학적 시각에서 평가하고자 한다. 특히 역내 중견국(middle power) 대표적 국가를 활용한 긴밀한 전략적 협력을 강조하고자 한다. 이를 위해 2004년 노무현 대통령의 인도 공식 방문 이후 2015년 1월 박근혜 대통령의 방문까지의 양국 간 전략적 협력 관계를 조명해 본다. 이에 따라 양국 관계는 이미 공개된 바와 같이 이는 사이버, 방산, 군사협력 및 정보교환 등의 분야로 구체화되고 있다. 일부는 이를 중국을 견제하는 양국 간의 협력이라고 평가하나, 본 논문은 특정 국가를 지목하기보다, 역내 중견국으로서의 전략적 관계 증진을 통한 역내 이익 보호에 있다고 평가한다. 특히 양국 간을 지리적으로 연결하는 해양을 통한 해양협력에 대한 논의를 추가한다. 예를 들면 역내 자연재난 구조작전(DR operation) 및 인도주의 지원작전(HA operation) 해양협력과 현재 진행되고 있는 아덴만 해적퇴치작전(Anti-piracy naval operation)이다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.324-337
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• 2010

We believe, 'Dokdo is clearly an inherent territory of Korea, in the light of geographical and historical facts', This paper aims to discuss Japanese multidimensional approach on the Issues of Dokdo(Takeshima) in the context of Territory Education. We considered the matter from various angles that supported by the ministry of Foreign affairs and the ministry of Education in national scale, as well as shimane prefecture government and municipality scale. Therefore, It is likely that the approach of territory education on Dokdo in Japan is variable and potential, and is temporary state of condensation, depends on Korea-Japan's political, economical, social, and international conditions. More studies of the new approach must be done for the new implications of Territory Education that embraces all meanings and events according to the disposition of neighbouring condition of Dokdo in world context, keeping out emotional and nationalist sympathies. The result of consideration in this paper are as follows. First, Territory Education in japan was focused on geography, history, Civil, Social Studies, compared with focusing on History in Korea. Second, It is centered on "korea is illegally occupying Dokdo, against which Japan has been consistently making strong protests" rather than simple historical approach. Thirdly, Their approaches seek to be succeeded the identity and importance of Territory Education to next generation rather than the present solving problem.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.57-81
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to summarise the educational meanings of Official Foreign Language Schools(hereafter, OFLS) in Korea, 1895-1906. Especially, I try to find out the foreign language policy of the Joseon Dynasty and the comparative superiority between six foreign language schools - Japanese School, English School, French School, Russian School, Chinese School, and German School - through the traits of teachers and the change of students numbers at the Regulation Period. As a part of Kabo Reforms, the government had abolished the of Civil Service Examination System and status system, and foreign languages worked as a cultural capital to acquire modern civilization and to escalate one's social status. The results were as follows: Firstly, the OFLS have to be regarded as one of the highest educational institute during the Regulation Period. The eligibility of the OFLS was over 15 years old, but most of the incoming students were over 20 years old. Secondly, many of the OFLS's teachers were specialists of military, diplomat and mechanics. Especially, Martel, the teacher of French school played an important role for the neutral diplomacy policy of the Great Korean(Dae-Han) Empire during the Regulation Period. Thirdly, the recruit of new members of the OFLS was affected by the political and social circumstances at that time. Fourthly, the statistics of incoming students during the Regulation Period was concentrated on Chinese school, French school, and English school in due order. Thus, it differed from the commonly accepted ideas of students' statistics which was concentrated on English School and Japanese School. Fifthly, the OFLS were not only for the training of official interpreters(譯官通事), but also the cultivation of civil servants who could become statesman.