• Ecology and Resilient Infrastructure
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.124-129
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• 2022

Urban river have been a key pillar in citizens' lives through the healthy urban environment of ecological nature along with the function of this dimension. On the other hand, conflicts are occurring in terms of conservation and use of rivers in the region along with the expansion of infrastructure due to urban densification. Appropriate agreement and coordination are needed for sustainable streams. This study aims to analyze various opinions through public discussion of residents' proposals through the resident participation cooperation budget. User awareness surveys and expert interviews were conducted on six rivers in Eunpyeong-gu. Through this, stable and sustainable preservation of local and small rivers and appropriate and balanced use measures were proposed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.72-93
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• 2006

"Borderless village" is a kind of alternative social project to build a multi cultural community of migrant workers around Wongok-Dong, Ansan leaded by Ansan Migrant Center since 1999. We thought this project deserved attention from a view point of social sciences for such reasons as follows. (1)This project could give an opportunity for us to examine the concrete effects of globalization on local areas and responses of these areas to those ones. (2)This project was composed of theoretical concepts very similar to those of reflexive modernization theory. So by examining this project we could have a chance to judge the validity of the latter. (3)The process of making discourses on this project was very interesting. It looks like more democratic and constructive one than others. (4)This project proposed the problem of creating a new form or way of social movement different from so called 'old or new social movements.' Our provisional conclusion of this study was this project could be estimated as very creative and progressive one but it was too abstract to be realistic and effective yet.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.9-39
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• 2017

Online communities have become playgrounds for enjoyment and political public spheres as well as have been vitalized by participation of diverse users, which shows that users of online communities experience participatory democracy and new subjects who project the politic of everyday life eventually. The purpose of the study is to examine that how phenomenon from above have been revealed in the academic discourses and seek the ways for development of the theory and methodology of community media research. To do this, I analyze that features and tendencies of academic discourses which have historically been accumulated through applying method of meta-analysis into topics, methods, and issues in the precedence studies. Data is centered on Journals of the Korean Society for Journalism and communication Studies, Korean Association for Broadcasting and Telecommunication studies, Korean Association for Communication and Information studies, and the Cybercommunication Academic Society. The reason why I choose these journals is that they have a long history of the publication compared to other journals, thus, I can collect various related articles. Total of 53 Samples are selected after input keywords '공동체' and 'Community'. This study makes a contribution by offering the preliminary data in order to seek the ways for revitalization of local communities and for the future theories and methodologies of community media through researching on precedence studies having piled from 2001 when the first article about community media was published to November 2016.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.75-121
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• 2017

Maeul Community Media is community media practice that media education combine with community activism based on the region. Maeul Community Media appeared with Seoul city's supporting policy in 2012 and is now enlarging on a national scale beyond Seoul. This study is aimed at understanding and investigating Maeul Community Media activists' practice process by using a grouned theory approach. In-depth interviews were carried out of study participants who worked on as activists based on visual and radio field since 2012. By open coding based on grounded theory, 16 categories and 59 subcategories were discovered. The outcome of axial coding showed the centeral phenomena that can be called 'sustainable desire for Maeul Community Media act'. On the condition of the instability of public support and the absence of a village channel, the strategic practices were discovered, which are diversification of participants recruitment and modes of participation, invention of space-media, seeking multilateral distribution methodologies and the collective action plans of networks to stabilize the management and to empower Maeul Community Media networks. As a result, Maeul Community Media and civil society were networked by discovering and agenda-setting pending issues. And we could find that the desire and expectation for the role as a village's public sphere were enlarging.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.52-74
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• 2012

Legislation needs to be understood within a political, societal relationship among lawmaking bodies rather than by legal provision itself. In order to examine features and functions of communication in the process of legislation, this study conducted focus group interviews with experts as well as in-depth individual interviews. The result of this research as follows: First, the study found that although the domestic legislative process has been made by active interactions among lawmaking subjects, it was hard to conclude that this procedure is providing effective and productive legislative agenda because of chaotic communications made along the process. Second, the study found that national legislative process has been gradually moving, although restricted, to an open political space, the National Assembly, from a closed space, the executive branch. Third, the study found a remarkable feature including growing influence of experts groups and civic organizations in the legislative process. It is a significant change that legislative staff such as National Assembly aides, investigators, expert committeemen and deputy director generals played a role of "insiders," unnoticeably influencing the legislative process, and that civic organizations and NGOs, which have been excluded in the previous legislative processes, emerged as a new influencing circle in the process. Lastly, the study found that media organizations, in the process of developing agenda, had a strong impact on the National Assembly as a subject forming public issues and as a messenger of the legislative agenda while they played a limited role in affecting the government. This study discusses why communication in the domestic legislative process is important and what are some hindering and facilitating factors in the process.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.11-22
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• 2004

A few years ago, many people proposed that a plaza be added to Seoul City Hall. The proposal, however, did not materialize because of traffic confusion. The June 2002 World Cup cheering in front of Seoul City Hall has prodded the public to reconsider the plaza. Even though the exercise failed to gain support, many democratic procedures, opening a Web page and design competitions, and so on were attempted while the design and management of Seoul City Hall Plaza was being deliberated. In the future, the need for proper communication and democratic procedures in the process of making decisions regarding public spaces is expected to increase because of the strengthening of the requirement of participatory and deliberative democracy. An examination of the nature and extent of the communication that has been carried out in relation to the plan to add a plaza to Seoul City Hall will be very helpful in gathering feedback to guide decision-making in regards to the use of other public spaces. Thus, this study has a three-fold purpose. : (1) to examine the theories that may justify the need for public input in relation to decisions made regarding the use of public spaces, and to propose the criteria to be used for the methods of communication (2) to examine the contents and conflicts of communication in relation to the decision made regarding the design and management of Seoul City Hall Plaza and (3) to examine the potential distortion of that communication by analyzing the communication according to the criteria previously proposed. The study method that is used herein is the analysis of articles about the subject matter, which have been posted on the Seoul City Hall Plaza Website and which have been published in newspapers such as the Chosun ilbo, Donga ilbo, the Jungang ilbo, and the Hankyoreh. Diverse article contents are also discussed. As result, there are many differences in the contents and viewpoints of the newspapers that are included in this study. In addition, the related Internet bulletin board has not been used actively, but has contributed to forming public opinion on this issue. Finally, the public demanded to be given acceptable reasons for the results of the design competition, and for the decision to make the grass plaza, which ignores the chosen design in the newspapers or on the Web page. However, their demand was rejected. The communication therefore became distorted and consequently did not become successful in bringing about its intended result.