This study examined Songgye Na-sik's(松桂懶湜, 1684~1765) literary world based on Priest Songgye's Anthology(松桂大禪師文集). In consideration of the insufficiencies of the only previous study on Songgye's literature, this study was focused on his ideological character and its historicity, the trend of literary exchange in the Buddhist circle, and the literary geographical aspect of his literature. Priest Songgye was the head of the Bonghwa-sa Temple in Andong during the years under the rule of Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo, and learned from Hwanseong Ji-ahn(喚醒志安, 1664~1729) and Nakam Eui-nul(落巖義訥, 1666~1737). The priest did not have many students under him nor leave numerous writings. In the process of the development of the Buddhist doctrines in the late Joseon Dynasty, however, he completed the scripture learning courses faithfully and laid the ground of his philosophy. In addition, the afterword of Hwaeomgyeongchilcheogupumhoipummok (華嚴經七處九會品目跋) shows that he compiled the book under his teacher's instruction. What is more, he is known to have devoted himself to belief in the Pure Land in his late years. Given these backgrounds, the priest's life, writings, and ideological tendencies pursued all of Zen, Hwaeom, and the Pure Land together, and at the same time, reflected the characteristics of Korean Buddhism in the 18th century. The priest steadily cultivated himself in poetry and established his own literary world, and all the outcomes were fully reflected in his anthology. Priest Songgye walked the road of a learner throughout his lifetime but, on the other hand, he established his identity as a literary man in the specific time and space of Andong, Yeongnam in the late Joseon Dynasty.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
/
v.33
no.2
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pp.89-102
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2015
This study contemplates the tendency of the examination questions for History of Korean Landscape Architecture. The study targets the questions of 'Landscape Architecture History' which has been set in the written test for National Qualification Test of a landscape engineer for recent 10 years from 2005 to 2014 and derives analyzable items based on the guidelines of question-setting presented by Human Resources Development Service of Korea. The results of the study are drawn as follows. First, among 5 areas composing Landscape History, the proportion of Korean Landscape questions is getting increased while that of Western ones is decreasing. Second, about 30 traditional trees and 11 types of traditional landscape elements including traditional facilities were shown in Korean Landscape questions. Besides, history, geographic, practical science, horticulture, anthology books and the 25 tradition landscape-related historic documents categorized as the garden painting data were found. And the kings from ancient era to Choseon Dynasty who were associated with the time of palace garden building, the builders or owners of the villas, the authors of the document and Chinese scholars also appeared. Third, there were no the questions of prehistoric times and Balhae Kingdom, whereas those of Choseon Dynasty were dominantly focused. Among the traditional sites of Choseon Dynasty, Byeolseo(villas) were set most, followed by Dosung or Gung-gweol(castle towns or palaces), houses, Nu Jeong Dea(pavilions) and Seowon(local schools) in order. Nak-an eupseong and Yong-ju sa were the only cases for a castle town and a temple each. Fourth, being associated with tradition spaces, the questions asked for understanding the detailed contents of time of sites' construction, builders, location features, building structures, ground plan types and the components s of garden. In addition, as a result of checking whether traditional landscape sites were shown in the set questions in 9 Korean Landscape textbooks, Dongchundang, Pungamjeonsa, Simgogseowon did not appeared. As a result of reviewing the tendency of the examination questions for History of Korean Landscape Architecture, the questions which ask minor facts without generality and which include difficult information and site uncomprehended in the textbook should be reconsidered.
The early Joseon Dynasty is very important period of studying about Korean history of ceramics because various kinds of porcelain were produced like celadon, brown porcelain, white porcelain, inlaid white porcelain, blue porcelain etc, $\ulcorner$sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$$\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ was published and Saongwon established its branch. Moreover, there also had a sudden political change to Joseon Dynasty, so ceramic industry in Gangjin was closed and artisans in Gangjin scattered to find safer place. One of these place was Imiwueri and Chuhyunri, Joongmohyun in Sangju.(the name of the place in that times, now Modongmyun) Also, Sangju in Gyeongsangbuk-Do is one of the places where can get materials for producing white porcelain, so artisans in Gangjin could migrate to the place during change of regime to Joseon Dynasty which based on Sung Confucianism. In $\ulcorner$Tejongsilrok$\lrcorner$, it mentioned specific areas like Joongmo, Hwaryeong in Sangju, Gyeongsang-Do and we can find out about situations of ceramic production in the early 15 centuries with producing dishes for a Royal family. $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$$\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ mentioned Imiwueri and Chuhyunri and Sangju produced the half of porcelains. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$, Sangju takes charge of 8 spots which is one third of ceramic production. $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$ and $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$$\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ were published with same goals at the same year. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdosokchanjiriji$\lrcorner$, there was deleted nine spots which included high, middle, low level compared with $\ulcorner$Seiongsilrok$\lrcorner$$\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$, and in $\ulcorner$Donggukyeojiseungram$\lrcorner$ there was entirely deleted the locations of porcelain spots and potteries.
Iron-making industries of the country, regardless of age has been the focus. This makes the iron production technology and production techniques that result in increased economic activity and because of the central charge. Therefore, the social development of ancient iron-making technology is based on phase-sensitive. Modern steel making up the monopoly of the country's target under the strict control of production, distribution was. It is essential to produce iron weapons was a threat is because you can keep the throne in the hands of the forces that can cause side effects when I went was to block. This study created a rail Cholbi(iron monument) and the regional distribution pattern of the production, construction background, looked on. Cholbi(iron monument) for the production and recording "the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty" often appear in history books and many academic interests, but was off target. Compared to a stone monument that was not generally as well as the Japanese colonial period and over the course of modernization destroyed, damaged a lot of cases the cause may be found in front. Cholbi(iron monument), except for the gravestones of the Joseon Dynasty monument erected in honor of virtue, as an example of content that dominated a packman business, founding of the school and confirmed that a few were built as a special purpose. Cholbi(iron monument) compared to the production technology or the cost of the monument's difficulty in financing follows. Therefore Cholbi(iron monument) the establishment of the Joseon Dynasty through the background of the economic situation and the local government can look. And iron technology began complaining about the object of history, economic conditions, with the change of season has been a change in people's consciousness tells you. Important data of ancient history as an epigraph that has been as important, the Middle Ages to modern times ranging from newly born to the time Cholbi(iron monument) in the development of the country's documentary subject to change should have been brought. Based on these discussions changes the identity of the hero monument and production inspector, review of production through the Joseon Dynasty period Cholbi (iron monument) contemplated the significance is reflected in production.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.9
no.2
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pp.119-134
/
2003
This paper analyzes Wu Ha-Youngs Cheonilrok in order to reconstruct the regional characteristics of farming in the late 18th-century Korean countryside. The projected objective is approached through the examination of various indices drawn from the volume such as environment, distribution of arable lands, major crops, agricultural techniques, and productivity. The main finding of this research is that unlike todays homogenous picture of agriculture, quite significant differences of agrarian practices existed across the country in the past. The regional differentiation was attributable foremost to natural environment. To elaborate, landform, climate and soil influenced the distribution and use of land plots, the kinds of main crops produced, and the agricultural productivity. The region-specific agricultural techniques result from the cumulative processes of trial and error against the given environment. Other social and economic conditions which include population, skill of the peasants, size of landownership, and irrigation facilities sustained the regional differentiation of agriculture.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.13
no.4
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pp.438-453
/
2007
Oriental Medicine Shopping District in Kyungdong Market developed through moving the Jongro which has been the center of oriental medicine since Joseon dynasty period. This shopping district grows up as a wholesale center based on convenient traffics. In 1994, herb clinics are major industry. But in 2007 the number of herb clinics has been reduced, while drug stores have increased. And doctors' age becomes older. Oriental Medicine Shopping District in Kyungdong Market occupies the center-stage of medicinal stuff's distribution and approximately 70% of the stuff come from other parts of the country. The district seems to be developing and modernizing comparing to the past. But it is not true. In this paper, I explain this phenomenon as "inertia about place". Oriental Medicine Shopping District in Kyungdong Market is suffering, but it tries to raise itself as the biggest oriental medicine market and new tourist site for they are designated as Hanbang Special District.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.16
no.3
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pp.224-248
/
2010
This study is to analyze the Korean translation of "Goseong Chongswaerok" by O Hoeng-muk as a local governor through political ecology. It focuses on how O Hoeng-muk recognized and wrote the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local resident's life, and local policy. The results are summarized in the followings. Firstly, weather was recorded into three types of expression, simple and dynamic expression and agriculture-related expression. Its dynamics was much meaningful and important when weather was related to local resident's life and local or non-local economy and politics. Secondly, weather and local government were conflict under a particular natural condition like severe drought. And society and politics are affected by such a conflict. Thirdly, local people's demonstration was occurred under a certain condition. Bounded agency can be founded in O Hoeng-muk's behavior as a local governor like jinhyul(賑恤), rain rituals, tax collection. Fourthly, the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local people's life, and local policy implemented in a particular local like Goseong ought to be interpreted in terms of multiple scales.
This paper examines how Tsushima has used the Arirang festival as a place marketing apparently targeting at Korean tourists, which has been historically achieved at the Arirang festival though public-private activities. Tsushima has tried to advertise Tsushima city to Korean tourists, with methods including the 'Chosen Agency Parade' and the title of the Arirang festival, but due to the Dokdo problem, the people of Tsushima objected to holding the Arirang festival. Therefore, Tsushima city had a meeting to solve it, and it was agreed that they need not stop the festival nor change of the title of the Arirang festival for the regional development, but instead they decided that the title of Arirang festival is to be used as a subtitle from 2007. By deciding this, The residents of Tsushima are sometimes against the opinion of Tsushima government, but they have eagerly participated in everything from the operation of the festival to the performances themselves. In this sense, it is thought that the Arirang festival is utilized as a local identity and also a place marketing, and the process for the regional development strategy is organized by public-private actors together.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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v.14
no.1
/
pp.71-85
/
2011
Many of the old industrial cities in advanced economies have experienced deindustrialization since the 1960s. While some of them have been transforming their economic structures with new economies, such as arts and cultural industries, others have been seriously suffering from economic and social problems. Brooklyn Borough of New York City is one of the best examples which have gone trough rapid de-industrialization; but have been reasonably successful in recovering its economy with arts and cultural industries. This paper introduces the process of developing creative industry clusters, articulates major actors, and find out the governance of the clusters, using three Brooklyn's arts clusters, such as DUMBO, BAM and Williamsburg. Based on the case studies, the paper draws theoretical and policy implications applicable to the Korean circumstance.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
/
v.19
no.4
/
pp.616-629
/
2016
This study aims to analyze a creative city development case of the Nantes City in France focused on vitalizing creativity by urban regeneration and to get some policy implications through reflecting on process, governance and performance of the Nantes case. The Nantes City tried to overcome its regional economic depression caused by closing shipyard through its creative city program. The Nantes creative city program has been maintained for 20 years, which succeeded in both transforming economic structure of the Nantes city and improving the image of it. As a result, the Nantes city is regarded as a best city for living in France. It established own city model by participating in European projects, referring to cases of other cities and adopting specialists' views. In the process of creative city, the Nantes distinguished itself from other cities in sizes and circumstances and devoted itself to interactions between the city and culture projects, focused on clear objectives and dynamic co-works. In addition, the Nantes changed creatively buildings and spaces to regenerate deserted regions, and established some high valueadded creative industry on the basis of historic and cultural resources.
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