• Title/Summary/Keyword: war and peace strategy

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Historical and International Legal Study on Security Characteristics of the Peace Line (평화선의 안보적 성격에 관한 역사적·국제법적 고찰)

  • Yang, Jae Young
    • Strategy21
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    • s.44
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    • pp.291-322
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    • 2018
  • This research aims to cast light upon security characteristics of the Peace Line, which have been underestimated. To understand maritime order and maritime security policy of the Republic of Korea between 1950 and 1970, it is necessary to analyze the Peace Line as line of defence and to investigate its character This research begins with analyzation of historical facts and investigation on security characteristics of the Peace Line. It goes further to examination of legal justification of the Peace Line, which was one of international legal issues of the period, principally regarding its security characteristics. As results of the study, it could be said that the security characteristics of the Peace Line was the line of defensive waters, which set its goal mainly to prevent infiltration of communist spies. The Peace Line had practical effect as it functioned as a base line of the ROK Navy to take anti-spy operation. At the early phase of the Korea-Japan Negotiation, the Korea delegation interpreted significance of the Peace Line passively. After abrogation of Clark Line, the delegation, however, became positive to maintain the Peace Line and its security characteristics. Security characteristics of the Peace Line was recognized again, as it became the base line of special maritime zone which was made in 1972. Through analysis on international law, it is concluded that the Peace Line was fair as a part of the right of self-defense against indirect aggression. North Korea attempted indirect aggression mainly from sea way, and these might undermine peace and cause urgent and unjust damage on the ROK. Thus the ROK's action of anti-spy operation through the Peace Line can be justifiable as considering the right of self-defence. Also the Peace Line accorded with principles of necessity, immediacy and proportionality. As it was argued on the above, the Peace Line as line of defence was one of the most significant factor in the ROK's maritime security history from the Hot war against communist forces to Cold war period after Korean War and must not be underestimated.

The nature of UN support of the Korea War (유엔의 6.25전쟁 지원과 성격 -신정공세 전후 유엔의 휴전교섭 노력을 중심으로-)

  • Yang, Yong-Jo
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.1-48
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.

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A Study on the New Paradigm Shift of War Memorial/Museum (전쟁기념(박물)관의 새로운 전시 패러다임에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Myungshig
    • Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.98-104
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    • 2016
  • The study explores, by carrying out literature review (theoretical pursuit) and case analysis (practical works), the changed point of view on the European war memorial/museum, the revolution of museography and its paradigm, the case analysis of war memorial/museum in the paradigm shift, the new point of view and its role. Through the theoretical thinking and the case analysis, it concludes that the exhibition space of war memorial/museum, which is in the center of material culture, is turning into the venue of societal culture. Ultimately, it aims at indicating the necessity of the paradigm shift, and offering the exhibition design strategy and technique which can better display the objects - remains - of the terrible war and the importance of peace for the old generation and the future generation.

Balance of Power and the Relative Military Capacity - Empirical Analysis and Implication to North East Asia - (세력균형(power balance)에서의 군사력 수준과 동북아시아에 주는 함의)

  • Kim, Myung-soo
    • Strategy21
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    • s.38
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    • pp.112-162
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    • 2015
  • This study began to confirm or review the balance of power theory by applying scientific methods through experiential cases. Though there are several kinds of national power, this study supposes military power as a crucial power when it comes to war and peace. This research covered balance and imbalance through comparing relative military power between nations or nations' group. Comparison of relative military power can be achieved by statistically processing the values of which has been converted into the standard variables in same domain, then calculating the values of nation's power which has been synthesized different experiential factors. In addition, the criteria of experiential experiment is highly dedicated to European countries, USA, Japan prior to 1st and 2nd World War, as well as USA, Soviet Union and North East Asia during Cold War era. In addition, the balance of power theory has been redefined to review the action of the state upon the changes of power as mentioned in the theory. To begin with, the redefined theory states that relative level of military power between nations defines the consistency of peace and balance of power. If military power is enough to be on the range of level required to keep the power in equilibrium, peace and balance can be achieved. The opposite would unbalance the military power, causing conflicts. While the relative military level between nations change, nations seek to establish 'nations group' via military cooperation such as alliance, which also shift relative military power between nations group as well. Thus, in order to achieve balance of power, a nation seeks to strengthen its military power(self-help), while pursuing military cooperation(or alliance). This changes relative military power between nations group also. In other words, if there exists balance of power between nations, there is balance of power between nations group as well. In this theory, WWI and II broke out due to the imbalance of military force between nations and nations group, and reviewed that due to the balance of military force during the Cold War, peace was maintained. WWI was resulted from imbalance of military cooperation between two powerful states group and WWII was occurred because of the imbalance among the states. Peace was maintained from cooperation of military power and balance among the states during the Cold War. Imbalance among continental states is more threatening than maritime states and balance of power made by army force and naval force also is feasible. Also the outcomes of two variables are found military power balanced ratio of military power for balance is 67% when variable ratio of balance is 100% and standard value for balance is 0.86. Military power exists in a form of range. The range is what unstabilized the international system causing nations to supplement their military powers. These results made possible the calculation and comparison between state's military power. How balance of power inflicted war and peace has been studied through scientific reviews. Military conflict is highly possible upon already unbalanced military powers of North East Asian countries, if the US draws its power back to America. China and Japan are constantly building up their military force. On the other hand, Korean military force is inferior so in accordance to change of international situation state's survival could be threatened and it is difficult to achieve drastic increase in military force like Germany did. Especially constructing naval force demands lots of time; however but has benefit that naval force can overcome imbalance between continental states and maritime states.

The Study on the North Korea's Provocation (북한의 대남 도발 사례분석)

  • Kim, Woo Sung
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.3_1
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    • pp.79-89
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    • 2014
  • North Korea's provocations is continued. Although Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, Kim Jong Un regime was shift. The crisis is activated, but that there are no changes. Until now, there are the possibilities of war in the Korean peninsula. If we analyse a major provoked crisis committed by North Korea, the enemy's intention is clear. Since the Korean War, South and North Koreas remain limited military conflict continued. North Korea's provocative behavior so far can be summarized as the following. First, the provocative form has changed variously. Second, the risk analysis of the case, the goal is most often provoked by the military purposes. Third, North Korea is a war and peace strategy on both sides. Fourth, try to cover up the provocation. Each crisis event occurs when the peninsula side of North Korea by hiding his intention to blame the behavior of the operation has been shown to act.

The Consider of China's Great Strategy Change in the Present Age (현대 중국의 대전략 변화 고찰-신 중국 성립 이후 역대 영도자의 사상을 중심으로)

  • Choe, Gyeong-Sik
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.3
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    • pp.121-167
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    • 2005
  • The great strategy of China has been changing depending on the time, change of surrounding environment and personality of leaders of the time. However, the process of the change was not the drastic change but has maintained the consistency through the course of modification and development. The great strategy of Mao Ze-dong was to have the objective in 'World Great Nation' with the facilitation of the 'Surpass Strategy' and 'Autonomy, Independence and Alliance strategy' to successfully build up the political great nation, but he entrapped China's politics and economy into the point of no return by excessive war preparation under 'The Principle of Inevitable World War', striving of rapid communism and other policies. The Deng Xiao-ping era also targeted for ‘World Great Nation’ but, unlike Mao Ze-dong, he had the foundation in the 'The Principle of Evitable World War' and undertook the ‘Peace and Development Strategy’ and ‘Peaceful Coexistence' to build up the advantageous surrounding environment for China to focus on the economic construction as the core of the nation by establishing ‘The Reform and Opening Strategy’ and 'Three-step Development Strategy‘ to have the successful soft landing of the Chinese economy with the astonishing economic development. The system of leader's group of China after Deng Xiao-ping succeeded the practical and realistic spirit of Deng Xia-ping, and based on the drastically grown economic strength, the great strategy of China is on the ‘The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’. This is one step further from the strategy of 'World Great Nation' of the past that it embraces all the minority races in China, Chinese economic sphere, foreign citizens of Chinese origin as well as Chinese residing abroad. China contemplates the time of making 'The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’ in 2050, 100 anniversary of the birth of new China.

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A Study of Relationship between Changing of Sea Power and Maritime Conflicts of the Korean Peninsula (해양력 변화와 한반도 해양분쟁 발생의 상관관계 연구 - 해양국력과 동맹전이이론의 타당성 검증을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-Sik
    • Strategy21
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    • s.36
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    • pp.180-214
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    • 2015
  • The Republic of Korea navy challenged from the unexpected surprise attacks by the North Korea navy, albeit, the developments of up-to-date naval forces' technology, and the ceaseless efforts for war preparedness. My study divided into two categories. Qualitative methods used for literature review of international relations theory related to the war onset and for investigating events occurred on the Peninsula and its surrounding seas from 1968 to 2007. Quantitative method used such as the analyses of national power index of the two Koreas, the United States, and China, the uses of equation model to calculate power index of alliance, COPDAB(Conflict and Peace Data Bank) index analysis. Like Choi's study on East Asia maritime conflict, as a conclusion, considering both AT theory and maritime national power as a tool for predicting maritime conflict in the Peninsula proved significant. Based on the study, ROK navy need to prepare for the maritime conflict because the results showed North Korea would initiate maritime disputes sooner or later using fatal asymmetric forces and methods. As a policy suggestion, we are required to maintain a concrete ROK-US alliance ties and to construct naval forces due to the deterring functions of maritime national power.

A Study on Israel's Strategic Culture in the Middle East War Korea's Security Strategy Implications (중동전쟁의 이스라엘 전략문화 고찰과 한국의 안보전략적 함의)

  • Lee Jeong Han;Bae Il Soo
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.121-126
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    • 2024
  • Israel craves peace and freedom. Israel has won many wars and conflicts militarily. They have developed strategic thinking based on the data, unique culture, and peacetime preparation system accumulated so far, and the strategic culture based on it contributes to fostering elite strong forces by presenting directions to security strategies.The strategic culture formed by Israeli beliefs, behavioral patterns, and identity influenced strategic thinking and the usefulness of security strategies. The purpose of this study is to redefine the concept of strategic culture by referring to the methodological discussion of strategic culture theory and to examine how useful strategic culture has provided strategic thinking and security strategies. In addition, based on the impact of Israel's strategic culture on security strategy, I would like to present implications for Korea's security strategy.

Defending the Indo-Pacific Liberal International Order: Lessons from France in Cold War Europe For Promoting Détente in Asia

  • Benedict E. DeDominicis
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.82-108
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    • 2023
  • As tension escalates between the US and China, scenarios for maintaining peace in Northeast Asia imply that secondary powers will perceive increasing incentives to reappraise their respective international roles. This analysis proposes that an analysis of France's Cold War role in Europe and the world under President Charles de Gaulle provides insights into conflict management in an increasingly multipolar international political environment. Their respective interests in preventing a so-called new Cold War emerging between the US and China include avoiding its excessive economic costs, if only because China is a massive trade partner. This study engages in theoretical framework-informed process tracing of de Gaulle's role. It explicates the assumptions that functionally underpinned de Gaulle's policy of soft balancing between the US and China. The analysis explores de Gaulle's contribution to the decay of the Cold War. It illuminates de Gaulle's contribution to a regional international environment that made West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik strategy more feasible politically. This study applies these findings in the formulation of strategy recommendations focusing on Japan. Valid inferences regarding the predominant motivations driving American and Chinese international interaction are necessary for this task. To the extent to which the US and China have entered into a conflict spiral, Japan's hedging towards Washington is further incentivized. Tokyo would necessarily need to convince the Chinese that Japan is no longer Washington's unsinkable aircraft carrier off its coast. Tokyo, like de Gaulle's France, would maintain close relations with Washington, but it would need to project to its interlocutors its commitment to its own strategic autonomy. Tokyo's emphasis on closer relations with liberal democratic Indo-Pacific actors would potentially fit well with a commitment to strategic autonomy to defend the global liberal order.

A Review on the Change in Submarine Roles in Naval Warfare: Based on Warfare Paradigm (전쟁 패러다임의 전환에 따른 잠수함의 역할 변화에 대한 고찰)

  • Jang, Jun-Seop
    • Strategy21
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    • s.46
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    • pp.89-122
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    • 2020
  • The longing for submarine manufacture and the fear of her power had exited for a long time, but submarine that could submerge and attack was built from 20th century by science technology development. The question, 'Submarine can exercise her power in naval warfare?' had exited before World War I, but the effective value of submarine was shown in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare during World War I and World War II. Germany and the United States made the best use of submarines at that time. The submarines of these nations mounted fierce attack on the enemy's battleships and merchant ships and blocked the sea lanes for war material. These fierce attack on ships became impossible After World War II, and the major powers reduced and coordinated the defence budget, so they considered the role of submarine. However, submarine is still powerful weapon system because she can secretly navigate under the water, and one of the most important force in the navy. The aim of this thesis is analyzing submarine roles in each naval warfare and integrating maritime strategy and weapon system technology into her roles. First, the research about represent submarine roles like anti-surfaceship warfare, anti-submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, land attack, supporting special operation and mine landing warfare will be presented, then the major naval warfare where submarine participated(during ex-World War I, World War I, World War II, The Cold War Era and post Cold War) and the analyzing of submarine roles by time will be presented. Submarine was developed for anti-surfaceship warfare during ex-World War I but could not make remarkable military gain in naval warfare because her performance and weapon was inadequate. However, the effective value of submarine in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare was shown during World War I and World War II. The major powers put battleships into naval warfare undiscriminatingly to command the sea power and submarines did massive damage to enemy navy power, so put a restraint the maritime power of enemy, and blocked the sea lanes for war material. After World War II, the battlefield situation changed rapidly and the concept of preemption became difficult to apply in naval warfare. Therefore, the submarine was unable to concentrate on anti-surfaceship mission. Especially during the Cold War era, nuclear submarine came to appear and her weapon system developed rapidly. These development gave submarines special missions: anti-submarine warfare and intelligence gathering. At that time, United States and Soviet submarines tracked other nation's submarines loaded with nuclear weapons and departing from naval their base. The submarines also collected information on the volume of ships and a coastal missile launching site in company with this mission. After Cold War, the major powers despatched forces to major troubled regions to maintain world peace, their submarines approached the shores of these regions and attacked key enemy installations with cruise missiles. At that time, the United States eased the concept of preemption and made the concept of Bush doctrine because of possible 911 terrorism. The missiles fired from submarines and surface battleships accurately attacked key enemy installations. Many nations be strategically successful depending on what kind of mission a submarine is assigned. The patterns of future naval warfare that my country will provide against will be military power projection and coalition/joint operations. These suggest much more about what future missions we should assign to submarines.