• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.23-30
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• 2002

Phonologically, the difference between the English stops /b, d, g/ and /p, t, k/ is carried by the presence or the absence of the vocal fold vibration throughout their oral closure phase. If phonology has its foundation in phonetics, there must be phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction. This study is aimed to determine whether or not the voiced-voiceless distinction is acceptable or proper in English. The determination was based mainly on findings in the existing literature and in informal experiments. In conclusion, there is no phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction both in production and perception. The [voice] appears to be one of potential phonetic correlates of the phonologically voiced stop. It is improper to use the [voice] as independent phonological marker, regardless of position (word-initial, intervocalic, word-final). A feature other than the voiced-voiceless feature must distinguish /b, d, g/ from /p, t, k/.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.53-64
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• 2000

Theoretically, alaryngeal speakers have difficulty in accomplishing the production of voiceless consonants. However, the perceptual studies often reveal a clear production of voiceless consonants giving good articulation scores in skilled alaryngeal speakers. The purpose of the present study was to clarify the production of voiceless stops in mode of articulation to normal speakers and skilled alaryngeal speakers. The acoustic characteristics of alaryngeal speech compared to the normal speech were investigated with special reference to the voiceless stop consonants. The surface electromyography from neck is used to monitor pharyngeal activity during speech. The general result is. that esophageal, shunt and neoglottal speakers realize the distinctions between the three types of [p] in a manner parallel to normals, whereas those using an electric voice generator do not.

• MALSORI
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• no.46
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• pp.13-24
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• 2003

This experimental study shows that, in reading of the English isolated words that are enumerated, the releasing of the word-final stop is employed for signaling enumeration in company with the well-known intonational pattern for it. Furthermore, this study tries to find the aspects of the releasing of the stops in the word-final positions, focusing on the association of the stop releasing/nonreleasing with i) the POA (Place of Articulation) distinction of the word-final stop, ii) the various qualities of the vowel before the final stop, and iii) the voice distinction of the stop in the word-final position.

• MALSORI
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• no.33_34
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• pp.1-10
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• 1997

Korean stop consonants are well known for their tripple distinction. In word initial position lax, tense and aspirated consonants are all voiceless. They are differentiated by the degree of tension, aspiration and VOT(voice onset time). But in intervocalic position, lax consonants become voiced. In this study I compare the acoustic features of Korean intervocalic lax and tense stops. The closure duration of lax stops is shorter than that of tense consonants. The preceding vowel length is longer in tan than that in tense consonants. I modify the above acoustic characteristics by an experimental methods. For example, I shorten the closure duration of intervocalic tense stops by 5 steps. r also do auditory tests which will show us listener's reaction on the above examples. And do the same job with the preceding vowels. According to the auditory test, the closure duration does an important role in differentiating Korean intervocalic lax and tense stops. But the preceding vowel length has almost nothing to do with the distinction between lax and tense stops. So I conclude that acoustic features also have hierarchy. Some features have categorical characteristics and others don't.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.113-130
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• 2002

Measurements were made of pressure rise time (PoRT), voice cessation time, flattened peak intraoral air pressure (Po), pressure static time (PoST), pressure-fall time and the duration of oral closure as four English speakers uttered isolated nonsense $V_{1}CV_{2}$ words containing /b/ and /p/ ($V_{1}=V_{2}$ and the V was /$\alpha$/), with stress on either $V_{1}orV_{2}$ alternately. The hypothesis tested was: The tense stop consonant. will be characterized either by a higher Po or a longer PoST, and/or by both against lax. Findings: (1) PoRT was significantly greater in /b/ than /p/, (2) the voiceless stop /p/ produced generally greater mean Po, averaged across five tokens, than its voiced counterpart /b/, but statistically insignificant, and (3) altogether, across stress, tokens and subjects, the difference in the calculated pressure static time (PoSTc), i.e., PoST + PoRT, between /p/ and /b/ was highly significant (p $\leq$ 0.003). Although further investigations remain to be taken, the results strongly supported the linguistic hypothesis of tense-lax distinction, with /b/ being lax and /p/ tense. Airflow resistance at the glottis and supraglottal air volume are assumed to be responsible for much of difference in PoRT between /p/ and /b/. The PoSTc reflecting, although indirectly, the respiratory efforts during the oral closure of a stop, was a convincing phonetic parameter of the consonantal tenseness based on respiratory efforts. The effects of stress on Po and PoSTc were inconsistent, and the shorter PoRT than consonantal constriction interval was always accompanied by Po and PoST.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

Tohoku Japanese is known to have voiced stops without pre-voicing in word-initial position, whereas traditional or conservative Japanese has voiced stops with pre-voicing in the same position. One problem with this devoicing of voiced stops is that it affects the distinction between voiced and voiceless stops because their voice onset time (VOT) values overlap. Previous studies have confirmed that Tohoku speakers use post-stop fundamental frequency (F0) as an acoustic cue along with VOT to avoid overlap. However, the role of post-stop F0 as a perceptual cue in this region has barely been investigated. Therefore, this study explored the role of post-stop F0 in stop voicing perception along with VOT. Several perception tests were conducted using resynthesized stimuli, which were manipulated along a VOT continuum orthogonal to an F0 continuum. The results showed no significant regional difference (Tohoku vs. Chubu) for nonsense words (/ta-da/). However, for meaningful words (/pari/ 'Paris' vs. /bari/ 'Bali,' /piza/ 'pizza' vs. /biza/ 'visa'), a significant word effect was found, and it was confirmed that some listeners utilized the post-stop F0 more consistently and steadily than others. Based on these results, we discuss innovative listeners who may lead the change in the perception of stop voicing.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.53-64
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• 2021

It is known that the voicing contrast for Japanese word-initial stops is primarily realized as differences in the voice onset time (VOT). However, recent studies have reported that voiced stops are more often produced with a positive VOT than with a negative VOT among the younger generation nationwide. It is also known that post-stop F0 is associated with the stop contrast, but the degree of F0 use differs from region to region. This study explores whether the difference in post-stop F0 functions as a perceptual cue to the stop contrast along with VOT. Fifty-five college students who are native listeners from four different regions participated in two or three perception tests. The results show that VOT is a primary cue to the voiced-voiceless distinction of word-initial stops, but that the effect of post-stop F0 on the stop contrast is marginal. The post-stop F0 is involved in perception only when VOT is ambiguous, such that a sound with high F0 is more often perceived as a voiceless stop, but not vice versa. The results of this study indicate that the acoustic parameters associated with the stop contrast are not the same in production and perception, and suggest that other factors such as context, which is not an acoustic characteristic, may also be involved in the stop contrast.